Wrtitten by: CHRISTIAN BUEGER
Since it was formulated as a concept and distinct agenda of international action, maritime security has consistently been discussed at high political agendas and reflected in United Nations Security Council debates.
A recent United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) report documents that the agenda has considerably evolved. Challenges such as illicit fishing, maritime smuggling, and irregular migration have been better understood and taken more seriously regarding their security implications.
Piracy persists in many parts of the world, and the return of pirate activity off the coast of Somalia in 2024, where it was suppressed for a decade, sends a powerful reminder that it is challenging to eradicate.
The proliferation of new low-cost weapon systems, including drones and missiles, and the digitalisation of maritime affairs, compounded with the substantial growth of industrial activities at sea and the mounting pressures of the climate crisis, implies an intensification of maritime insecurities.
The Red Sea Crisis powerfully dramatically manifests these trends. Motivated by geopolitical motives, yet also driven by a decade of armed conflict and political instability in Yemen, the armed attacks on shipping carried out by drones and missiles have undermined freedom of navigation and trade in the area.
They have increased risks to the maritime environment and, as evidenced by the accidental cutting of vital underwater data cables by the attacked vessel MV Rubymar in 2024, they have also impacted digital connectivity.
Regional Progress and the Challenge of Informality
In regions such as the Western Indian Ocean, these growing challenges have been noted, if not always given the resources required.
Since the heyday of Somali piracy, a regional maritime security architecture has been under construction. Led by different actors, the region is now rich in maritime security arrangements. This includes several regional maritime domain awareness centers operated by the European Union, the US Navy, the United Kingdom, the Indian Navy, the Pakistan Navy and the Indian Ocean Commission and capacity-building coordination mechanisms provided by the Djibouti Code of Conduct facilitated by the International Maritime Organisation (MO) and the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF). These are supported by different dialogue forums, such as the Shared Awareness and Deconfliction (SHADE) meetings, the Contact Group on Illicit Maritime Activities, and the regular Maritime Security Conference held in Mauritius.
It is characteristic of these mechanisms that they operate in an informal space. This is plausible and leads to a problem-driven approach and operational flexibility. The lack of formal organization, binding treaties, and sustainable funding mechanisms, however, also leads to gaps in the transparency of decision-making, lack of standing expertise from secretariats and expert networks, and high dependency on shifting priorities from donors and great power players. The key steps forward are formalising arrangements to increase accountability while maintaining problem orientation and operational flexibility.
Recalibrating the United Nations System
Given the global nature of maritime activities and the interdependence of marine ecosystems, maritime security can never be addressed only on a regional level; it requires international norms and action. States which are disproportionately affected by maritime insecurities, those that lack the skills, resources and technologies required, or those that recover from armed conflict and instability need to be supported. This is where the United Nations system comes in.
The United Nations machinery is a complex system and is often seen as inefficient. Part of the reason lies in the nature of multilateral decision-making and running international bureaucracies. At other times, there is a lack of diplomatic attention and prioritisation.
As the UNIDIR report documents, maritime security lacks coordination, while the problem seems to be the latter rather than the former – strategic attention is lacking.
The Big Five agencies offer substantial maritime security assistance with different foci and mandates, such as safety, border management, and crime prevention. Several United Nations fora and assemblies touch on issues of maritime security. Yet, the system lacks a coherent mechanism for coordinating maritime security that would be holistic and reflect its growing importance.
One of the sites where such a strategy and mechanisms can be initiated is the Security Council. The Council has recurrently engaged with specific maritime security issues and also held high-level strategic debates.
In January 2025, the Council welcomed five newly elected members representing the world regions. They all have significant maritime expertise: Greece, a major shipping nation; Denmark, home to the second-largest container shipping company; Panama, a major flag state; Somalia, which has experience with maritime insecurities; and Pakistan, which has significantly contributed to maritime security operations.
The powers of the new members are limited, as in contrast to the permanent members, they have no vetoes. Yet, their role is important. They can facilitate, steer the debate, and propose compromises. The more they can act concertedly, the more influential they are.
Pakistan’s Role: Recommendations
Pakistan and its navy have been at the forefront of maritime security for over two decades. It has actively contributed to the Combined Maritime Forces and the fight against piracy, and it has developed innovative national solutions, including in the area of maritime domain awareness and drawing on naval capacities for climate change mitigation.
With the country joining the Security Council, a new window of opportunity to shape maritime security has opened. To use this window, Pakistan must proactively work with the other new members to give maritime security a prominent place. Issues such as the proliferation of naval weapon technology or critical maritime infrastructure protection notably need urgent attention. Yet, it is time for the council to deal with the sea more strategically.
As a regional power, the Pakistan Navy must ensure the use of its biennial AMAN dialogue most effectively for the region’s benefit. This means being inclusive, working towards regional cooperation, and strategically valuing the event. The country must also stay engaged in all regional formats, including by contributing to maritime domain awareness, information sharing, and the strategic debate on the future shape of the architecture.
At home, Pakistan must further nurture the quality of its maritime security expertise, including in emerging areas such as critical maritime infrastructure protection, maritime cybersecurity, and the implications of artificial intelligence for naval operations. This strategic investment in expertise will strengthen Pakistan’s position as a key contributor to global and regional maritime security governance.
The Author is a Professor at the University of Copenhagen and a Research Fellow at the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR). He is the author of “Understanding Maritime Security” (Oxford University Press, 2024, with Tim Edmunds) and “Securing the Seas – An Assessment of Global Maritime Security” (UNIDIR, 2024, with Tim Edmunds and Jan Stockbruegger). Further information is available at his website: www.bueger.info
