RECENTLY, President Trump’s administration has tendered its gratitude to the Pakistan authorities’ regarding their current role of counter-terrorism in Afghanistan.
Trump’s narrative regarding Pakistan suggests that the US still has significant strategic interests in the country, particularly in terms of military engagement and counterterrorism efforts.
His administration is expected to recalibrate US-Pakistan relations, removing past misunderstandings and focusing on practical cooperation on counter-terrorism efforts in the region.
Against this backdrop, , the US-Pak ties under the Trump administration’s second term can transcend beyond a thanksgiving scenario to a broad -based involvement by focusing on bilateral engagement between Washington and Islamabad while navigating the future of this relationship on multifaceted level.
The Pakistani government has assisted in disrupting and dismantling terror networks.
Additionally, the US Administration has appreciated the role of Pakistani security forces in combating terrorism in the region and European military officials have also recognized these efforts.
Needless to say, Pakistan ‘s security forces and its intelligence services have played a critical role in counter-terrorism efforts by denying safe havens to terrorists and undeniably, Pakistan’s army has launched several operations against insurgents and terrorists.
To counter the terrorism narratives, Pakistan has devised a compact National Action Plan (NAP) being implemented via National Counter-terrorism Authority (NACTA) to combat extremism, terrorism, sectarianism and militancy in Pakistan.
Some South Asian strategic experts argue that, due to the evolving US-China power competition and Washington’s increasingly robust strategic partnership with India, Pakistan has lost its leverage in South Asia, particularly after the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021.
However, I disagree with this superficial analysis.
In my view, Washington still requires Pakistan’s strategic support to combat terrorism in the region, and vice versa.
Additionally, Pakistan’s geostrategic importance remains vital to the US, as it sits at the intersection of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East.
This geographical position significantly influences its economic model and external partnerships.
The recent visit of US lawmakers to Pakistan, led by Trump‘s associate Gentry Beach, indicates a positive concern from the Trump Administration regarding Pakistan’s economic challenges.
The discussions focused on promoting trade and investment in key sectors such as mining and minerals, reflecting an intent to bolster economic ties.
Moreover, it is fairly argued that Washington needs to work with Pakistani military via its short-term and long-term engagement based on inevitable counterterrorism concerns in the region and, of course, both the US and Pakistani governments can enhance their counterterrorism cooperation as more pertinent arguments suggest that they seem to be ‘’more aligned now than during the two decades when the United States was present in Afghanistan and the Taliban had sanctuary in Pakistan.
’’ Of course, the US cannot afford to risk major political instability in a tensed region because of an unresolved issue of Kashmir between two-nuclear armed nations of South Asia – India and Pakistan.
Despite the fact that President Trump did not mention Pakistan during his second-term election campaign, it is nonetheless an irrevocable truth that limiting the scope of relationship between the two countries engaged in bilateral ties more than seven decades will be unproductive for the Trump Administration.
Some still argue Trump’s approach towards Pakistan in its second term will be mirrored on Pakistan counterterrorism efforts, pressing Pakistan to resist the flow of militant groups in the region.
Pakistan-US relations are multifaceted, encompassing political, security, and economic ties.
Arguably, the Trump Administration can potentially extend US economic and military cooperation towards Pakistan (a major non-NATO ally since 2002) by improving relations to secure cooperation in counterterrorism and addressing other administration priorities.
Viably, encouraging Pakistan to resume trade with India could stabilize the region and potentially improve economic relations.
Also, building trust and fostering meaningful discussions are crucial for the US and Pakistan to develop strategic ties and potentially influence the political landscape of South Asia.
Currently, Pak Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi met with the US Ambassador Natalie Baker to explore further scenarios regarding Pak–US counter-terrorism efforts since a dialogue is scheduled between the two sides in June this year.
Meanwhile, Special Assistant to the PM, Tariq Fatmi, has recently met with Trump Administration officials to enhance Pak-US trade and investment relations.
Pakistan seeks a balanced relationship with the US based on security, trade, investment, energy and regional interests.
Fatemi said he was “very satisfied” over his talks in Washington with key US officials and Congressional leaders.
In the wake of the recent surge in terrorism in Pakistan’s two provinces, Balochistan and the KP, Pak-US counterterrorism cooperation is an inevitable synergy.
Thus, in its second-term, the Trump Administration must be adopting a constructivist approach towards Pakistan while implying a focus on the social and political contexts that shape US-Pakistan relations, emphasizing dialogue, mutual understanding and the importance of identity and norms in foreign policy.
This could lead to a more nuanced engagement with Pakistan, moving beyond transactional relations to address underlying issues such as regional stability and counterterrorism, as well as fostering cooperation on economic and security matters.
Still, there are five major areas/factors that can positively influence the scope of Pak-US relations under Trump‘s new administration: first, the economic cooperation, second, counter-terrorism efforts, third, regional stability in South Asia, fourth, Pak efforts in nuclear non-proliferation regime and fifth, people to people ties.
—The writer, based in Pakistan, an independent IR & International Law analyst, also an expert in Conflict and Peace Studies (with special focus on Palestine, Kashmir), is member of European Consortium of Political Research (ECPR), including the Washington Foreign Law Society/American Society of International Law. (rizvipeaceresearcher@gmail.com)
