Salahuddin Haider
EVENTS of the last couple of weeks have swung the pendulum of politics from one end to other. Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM), a conglomeration of 11-parties, since the past eight to ten weeks has been hitting prime minister Imran Khan and his party, left, right and centre, below the belt sometime. But the situation has now drastically changed. PDM seems on the defensive. Imran is now on the opted for aggression to counter those trying to remove him from power.
Reason for such a change is simple to understand. Split within the ranks and file of the component parties at places is too visible to ignore, and because of caution in some cases, the story remains almost the same. Since it is common knowledge now that Nawaz Sharif’s frontal attack on army Chief General Qamar Bajwa, and his ISI colleague Lt-General Faiz Hameed, the turn around began to be common knowledge. Insiders Reports that that PDM President Maulana Fazlur Rehman, who is also JUI chief, is another factor for rift between Peoples Party and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam.
The Maulana, primarily a cleric, inherited politics from his father late Maulana Mufti Mehmood. But the difference between father and the son is far too pronounced to escape attention. Maulana Mufti Mehmood, elected to National Assembly in the country’s first major elections of 1970, was simple and principled man. Except for contributing to a mosque construction, or seminaries, he kept himself clean of greed or glitter. That is the major difference, but there is also wide gap in the attitude and approach of the two. Mufti Mehmood, resigned the chief ministership of erstwhile NWFP (now KP) to protest over the arbitrary removal of Balochistan government of Sardar Ataullah Mengal in the south-western province.
Conversely Fazlur Rehman’s mindset has led to rebellion within his party. Four of its prominent leaders—former senator Hafiz Hussain Ahmad, ex-chairman of Council of Islamic Ideology Maulana Mohammad Khan Sheerani, (both from Balochistan), Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, hailing from Dir, and Maulana Shujaul Mulk from Mardan, were expelled from the party. JUI already had limited representations in the Parliament. Removal of such eminent personalities from the Party, is bound to reflect poorly on Fazlur Rehman’s position on the political chess board.
Insiders reveal much more than what has surfaced so far. Differences have appeared between Maulana and Peoples Party. Sources said Bilawal Bhutto was unwilling to participate in the Lahore rally of the PDM, but agreed to address the gathering on request from Maryam Nawaz. Maulana’s anger soared skyward after deputy commissioner, Lahore, removed JUIs’ banners and posters. The third and most cogent factor, which remains alive even now, was Bilawal’s refusal to accept Maulana’s demand to post at least 11 of his favorite civil servants in Sindh.
That widened the gulf between him and PPP chairman so much so that the Maulana, rejected Peoples Party’s invitation to join the Benazir Bhutto’s death anniversary rally of December 27 in Ratto Dero. Maryam Nawaz flew to Larkana to join the chorus against PTI regime. Several other factors are also worth noticing, the leading one being the meeting in jail of former information minister Mahammad Ali Kasuri with the PML-N president Shahbaz Sharif. According to Kasuri, Shahbaz looked against confrontational policies, pursued by Nawaz and Maryam, and believed in dialogue among players in political arena. However just to avoid split in the family, he reminded Kasuri to convey to Pir Pagara, head of the General Democratic Alliance (GDA) that he was bound by party discipline and Noon League’s policies will override all other considerations,
But what most relevant in this dramatic episode here is the slow and gradual shift from uproar for resignations from National and provincial assemblies, and repeated change in the date for much trumped Long March to Islamabad/ The PML(N) Punjab President Rana Sanaullah openly admitted that attendance in the 200-mile Long March to Islamabad in severe winter of January or February is bound to be thin, The date therefore has to be moved to March or April, but if educational institutions and seminaries resume studies after a long suspension due to Covid 19, collecting people can again be a problem. The March therefore can now be possible between March and September.
Then Imran Khan, not withstanding his follies, mistakes, mis-governance etc; has now been blessed with enough time to reorganize himself. Only couple of weeks ago, he said in a speech that people will now see a “different Imran Khan”. Interpreted in simpler terms it means that he probably will now be much more severer than before on those opposing him, or creating hurdles in his plans to develop the country. He has repeatedly stressed that no matter what happens, he will pursue his campaign relentlessly against corrupt and the dishonect. No NRO to anyone. The message is loud and clear.
The resignation issue has already been put on the back burner. Country’s apex court is now seized with a Presidential reference about Senate elections to fill the 45 vacancies occurring March next year. PPP co-chairman, and master player in politics, is against resignations. He firmly believes that his party will be worst victim of resignations. It will not only lose control of Sindh, where it has been in power since 2008, but will lose strength in the Upper House of the Parliament House. Bye-elections can easily be arranged under the Election Act, several key law experts feel that way. Election Commission has already announced date for filing of nomination papers, and Senate seats can be filled between 11 February and 11 March 2021. Conscious of that, PPP does not wish to repeat the mistake of 1985. That leaves Maryam and Maulana alone in their campaign against PTI government. Experts, TV anchors seem unanimous that PTI will remain unmoved by resignation of Long March threats. The pDM bid to dislodge Imran Khan from seat of authority, will perhaps a dream unfulfilled.
