IN the aftermath of a recent exchange of missile strikes between Pakistan and Iran, the diplomatic landscape is fraught with tension and uncertainty. While both countries have agreed to de-escalate the situation, a lingering sense of mistrust, historical complexities and national security concerns, underscores the imperative for constructive diplomacy for sustainable peace and amicable bilateral relations. Though the reciprocal missile exchange episode in bilateral relations is undeniably grave, there exists an opportunity for reconciliation if both sides are willing to seize it.
Over the decades, several differences have surfaced on various fronts between Iran and Pakistan including terrorism, the setback of a gas pipeline project, Iran’s convergence towards India and Pakistan’s inclination towards Saudi Arabia. Despite occasional border violations over the past several years, a military flare-up with Iran, a scenario involving the unprecedented exchange of missile fire between the two nations, was considered nearly unthinkable.
Both states assert their commitment to safeguarding national security and accuse each other of supporting non-state actors engaged in activities within their respective countries. In recent years, Pakistan has consistently expressed significant concerns regarding safe havens and sanctuaries that Pakistani-origin separatists, known as “Sarmachars,” have been utilizing in the uncontrolled areas within Iran. Separatist organizations such as Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF), that have claimed responsibility for multiple attacks on Pakistan’s security forces, are actively operating in Pakistan-Iran border areas. Pakistan has shared multiple dossiers containing concrete evidence of the presence and activities of these terrorists. Jaish al-Adl, formerly known as Jundullah, a Sunni militant organization, has further strained relations between Pakistan and Iran by carrying out deadly attacks on Iranian soil. The dynamics surrounding Jaish al-Adl contribute to the complex regional security landscape, necessitating collaborative efforts to address shared concerns and mitigate potential sources of friction.
The border region, home to the largest Baloch ethnic group, stands as one of the most impoverished regions in both countries. Addressing the economic and political grievances in this impoverished region is crucial to mitigating the insurgency and fostering stability along the border. The ongoing unrest is likely to persist unless both countries reconsider their approaches to their respective Baloch populations. Interestingly, both countries do not consider sectarian outfits as a significant threat, as these do not align with separatist ideologies. While Pakistan’s response to the Iranian strike has served a dual purpose by delivering a clear message to Iran and affirming Pakistan’s commitment to counter insurgent groups directly responsible for attacks on law enforcement agencies and civilians within Balochistan, addressing the grievances of the local population is crucial to ensuring peace on the Pakistan-Iran border.
The elimination of terrorist groups holds particular significance for maintaining long-term peace along their shared borders. Both nations have experienced challenges related to cross-border terrorism and insurgent activities that have strained their relationship. Addressing the presence of such groups is crucial not only for the immediate security concerns of both countries but also for building trust and cooperation. Pakistan and Iran share a complex geopolitical landscape, and the joint action to root out terrorist elements can pave the way for constructive diplomatic engagement. The stability of the region, combined with economic interests tied to projects like Gwadar and Chabahar, underscores the need for collaborative efforts to eradicate terrorist threats. It is crucial for the Iran-Pakistan joint working group to not only address immediate security issues but also work towards comprehensive solutions that encompass economic development and social inclusion of the respective Baloch population.
—The writer is Assistant Director-NUST Institute of Policy Studies, Islamabad. (NIPS)
views expressed are writer’s own.
