Bills that break budgets

Dr Zafar Khan Safdar

In most countries, the cost of keeping the lights on, the water running, and the stove burning is a background detail of life, noticed only when something goes wrong.

Economists even define it in simple terms that if a household spends more than 6-10% of its income on energy, it is considered to be in energy stress. For water and sanitation, the benchmark is even lower, around 3%. Beyond that, policy experts begin to speak of ‘utility poverty’, a condition where essential services start competing directly with food, education, and health in the household budget.

In Pakistan, that line has not just been crossed but has been left far behind. For millions of households, utility bills now absorb 30% to 50% of monthly income. In lower-income segments, particularly among informal workers and fixed-wage families, the proportion can rise even higher during peak summer electricity demand or winter gas shortages.

A family earning Rs. 60,000 a month in an urban centre may receive electricity bills ranging between Rs. 18,000 and Rs. 25,000 in high-consumption months. Add gas, water, and municipal charges, and the total utility burden can exceed Rs. 30,000. By global standards, this is not stress but a systemic overload. To put this in perspective, in many advanced economies even during recent energy crises triggered by global fuel shocks, governments intervened aggressively to prevent household energy costs from exceeding 10-15% of income. Temporary subsidies, price caps, and direct cash transfers were used not as generosity, but as stabilisation tools. The aim was to prevent essential services from becoming unaffordable.

Pakistan tells a different story. Here, utilities have quietly shifted from being public services to becoming dominant household expenses. They now rival rent in many cases, and in some households exceed food expenditure. This is not simply inflation but a structural reordering of what a monthly budget looks like. The consequences are visible not in statistics alone, but in behaviour. Families reduce usage not based on need, but based on affordability. Air conditioners are used sparingly even in extreme heat. Refrigeration cycles are adjusted to save electricity. Gas usage becomes intermittent, especially in winter shortages. Water consumption is informally rationed in urban apartments where bills or supply constraints dictate usage patterns. These are financial adaptations.

What makes this crisis particularly difficult is its invisibility. Unlike food inflation, which manifests in visible shortages or price comparisons in markets, utility stress unfolds behind closed doors. It arrives as a bill, not a crisis. Yet its impact accumulates silently, reshaping household priorities month after month.

The underlying causes are well known but deeply entrenched. Pakistan’s energy sector is heavily exposed to imported fuel prices, making electricity tariffs vulnerable to global shocks and currency depreciation. Structural inefficiencies particularly transmission losses and recovery gaps add further pressure, much of which is ultimately passed on to consumers. Frequent tariff adjustments, surcharges, and fixed charges compound the burden, especially for middle-income households who are not eligible for targeted subsidies but are too constrained to absorb rising costs.

Water pricing, meanwhile, remains uneven and often disconnected from consumption realities. Its impact becomes more visible when combined with other utilities and informal expenditures such as water tankers in urban areas facing shortages. Gas supply instability adds another layer, particularly during winter months when households are forced into alternative and often more expensive energy sources. The result is a system where costs rise faster than incomes, and efficiency gains within the sector rarely translate into relief for the end user.

The broader economic implication is often overlooked. When a large share of household income is absorbed by utilities, consumption in other sectors contracts, retail demand weakens, savings diminish, and small businesses feel the pressure through reduced spending capacity among consumers. In effect, utility inflation becomes a silent drag on economic activity.

There is also a social dimension that cannot be ignored. When essential services become unaffordable, inequality deepens not only in income but in lived experience. The difference between those who can afford uninterrupted access to energy and those who ration it daily creates a widening gap in quality of life within the same cities, often within the same neighbourhoods.

Pakistan’s policy response has largely been reactive, adjusting tariffs, negotiating external costs, and offering limited subsidies. What is missing is a coherent affordability framework that links utility pricing to household income capacity in a systematic way. Without this, every adjustment risks reinforcing the same imbalance. International experience suggests that affordability is not achieved by suppressing prices alone, but by designing systems that align cost recovery with income sensitivity. That includes targeted subsidies that reach the right households, investment in reducing system inefficiencies, and tariff structures that reflect consumption capacity rather than uniform cost distribution.

In Pakistan’s case, the urgency is greater because the imbalance is already structural rather than emerging. When half of a household’s income is consumed by utilities, the issue is no longer technical, it becomes macroeconomic. It shapes consumption patterns, influences poverty levels, and constrains social mobility, quietly altering what families can aspire to, not in theory, but in monthly reality.

Utility services were once the invisible backbone of modern life. In Pakistan today, they have become one of its most visible pressures. And unless the gap between income and essential costs is addressed with structural clarity, that pressure will continue to define not just household budgets, but the broader direction of economic stability.

—The writer is PhD in Political Science, and visiting faculty at QAU Islamabad.

 

Get Alerts