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Paths leading toward Damascus

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TWO significant issues currently dominate the discourse: Syrian revolution, which has dismantled a 54-year-old authoritarian regime, and the registration of religious seminaries, which has greatly upset Maulana Fazlur Rehman. Both matters are pivotal and deeply intertwined with our societal fabric. Fall of the Assad family’s five-decade-long tyrannical rule in Syria has allowed the majority population to breathe freely for the first time in a half century. This development is a major leap forward in the Middle East. However, waves of change arising in Syria are unlikely to be confined within its borders. These ripples may impact neighboring regions, extending even to Pakistan and Balochistan, potentially adding a new dimension to the socio-political landscape of these areas.

The issue of madrassa registration is equally complex, deeply tied to societal dynamics. If we aim to bring order to our fragmented society and set it on the path of progress, we must ensure that the religious education system operates transparently and free of weaknesses. Although these two topics seem distinct, they are interconnected; discussing them together is only logical. Streets and roads of Damascus present a striking picture of human resilience. In our era, countries like Egypt, Libya, and Iraq have witnessed the worst forms of dictatorship, leaving humanity to merely survive. Psychological and emotional state of prisoners released from Syrian jails is a harrowing reminder of their suffering. Plight of individuals who spent 30 to 50 years in dark prison cells can be understood through scenes such as a person weeping over a loved one’s gravestone, whispering “Ya Habibi” (Oh, my beloved).

It astonishes that even after the tragic ends of tyrants like Pharaoh and Nimrod, authoritarian tendencies continue to emerge. Rulers invent new ways to oppress and degrade humanity. Pakistanis, in particular, must take heed of these events, as our history is not devoid of authoritarian sympathies. Some factions in Pakistan admire the tactics of figures like Saddam, Qaddafi, and Bashar al-Assad. Currently, Pakistan finds itself navigating the turmoil of the “change” introduced in 2018. This so-called change revealed the destructive ambitions of certain power groups who consider constitutional governance as a joke and democracy as a luxury. They believed Pakistan’s problems could be solved by adopting models from Egypt, Iraq, and Libya, with a leader who was simple-minded, politically naïve, and easily manipulated. Rise of Imran Khan in 2018 was a direct consequence of this mindset. While Khan matched the desired profile in some respects, he also strayed from the script, causing the grand plan to unravel. His governance not only destabilized an already functioning system but also led to economic decline and jeopardized national security. Ultimately, it became evident that adhering to constitutional and democratic principles was the right path.

This is how it unfolded, but the “change project,” under whose shadow a figurative Taj Mahal of desires was built for a certain individual, neither allowed him to grasp reality nor opened the eyes of those blindly following this Pied Piper. It is understandable, though, that individuals or movements born under the aegis of such projects often need to endure harrowing experiences before they can develop the ability to think critically. This is the fundamental reality, but the latest chapter involves a series of adventures, labeled as “Mahmood Ghaznavi-like conquests” by figures such as Ali Amin Gandapur, who promises victory and declares intentions of returning armed. It is possible that some sensible individuals within this “army” might manage to restrain Ali Amin. However, what about the person whose insatiable thirst for power compels him to make “final calls,” devise “last moves,” or incite civil disobedience? Political processes are conducted through political means, not through armed assaults.

When this individual was in power, he seemed bent on upending everything, much like Bashar al-Assad. After losing power, he adopted the tactics of armed militias, aiming to disrupt the state’s systems entirely. At this critical juncture, if there is anyone who can counsel this individual, he must help him understand that such methods lead only to destruction of country and his future also. Similarly, his followers must also be made aware that the paths they have been set upon are all leading toward a Syria-like catastrophe. On the issue of madrassa registration, the approach adopted by 18,000 seminaries in Pakistan reflects wisdom. Bringing these institutions under the purview of the Ministry of Industries and Commerce through the Societies Act ensures transparency in their funding. This prevents them from becoming unaccountable entities like international NGOs. The state’s acceptance is vital for organizing society and averting conflict. It would be prudent for Maulana Fazlur Rehman to follow the same course as the registered seminaries. Only by rejecting self-willed defiance can we move from dark, uncertain paths to a bright, organized future.

—This writer is former advisor to the president of Pakistan, author & mass media theorist.

(farooq.adilbhuta@gmail,com)

 

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