AGL39.36▲ 0.65 (0.02%)AIRLINK200.9▼ -4.91 (-0.02%)BOP10.15▼ -0.09 (-0.01%)CNERGY6.88▼ -0.18 (-0.03%)DCL8.77▼ -0.03 (0.00%)DFML45.74▲ 4.16 (0.10%)DGKC102.05▲ 0.02 (0.00%)FCCL34.09▼ -0.57 (-0.02%)FFL16.98▼ -0.12 (-0.01%)HUBC131.7▲ 0.52 (0.00%)HUMNL13.76▼ -0.22 (-0.02%)KEL4.81▼ -0.1 (-0.02%)KOSM6.7▼ -0.11 (-0.02%)MLCF43.33▼ -1.01 (-0.02%)NBP62.29▲ 0.26 (0.00%)OGDC218.75▼ -3.02 (-0.01%)PAEL41.54▼ -1.15 (-0.03%)PIBTL8.65▲ 0.23 (0.03%)PPL187.12▼ -3.74 (-0.02%)PRL42.06▼ -1.43 (-0.03%)PTC24.99▲ 0.2 (0.01%)SEARL100.3▼ -2.36 (-0.02%)TELE9.11▼ -0.15 (-0.02%)TOMCL34.79▼ -0.01 (0.00%)TPLP12.93▼ -0.22 (-0.02%)TREET23.05▼ -0.42 (-0.02%)TRG68.35▼ -0.43 (-0.01%)UNITY32.66▼ -0.35 (-0.01%)WTL1.86▲ 0.06 (0.03%)

Not quite ready yet

Share
Tweet
WhatsApp
Share on Linkedin
[tta_listen_btn]

Zaheer Bhatti

For a good period of time Pakistan has been experimenting with a centralized system of governance Vs a decentralized one empowering its administrative units; a doctrine mutated by Administrative Sciences as the most efficient method of deliverance since it enabled the hierarchy down the ladder and gave it confidence in decision-making besides grooming subordinates for higher responsibilities. One is not sure if Pakistan’s political dispensation drew any inspiration from it in either opting for a Parliamentary Democracy described as Government of the People, by the people, for the people, which has only been a mirage so far; much less incorporation of the 18th Amendment in its Constitution to decentralize authority to the Provinces, where the intention sounded noble.
There have always been two sides to decentralization of functions and authority; one that in judicious use of delegated authority the Federating units act in complete coordination with the Federal Government which in turn by serving as a bridge with the Federating Units, strengthens the Federal Government itself and thus the Federation; while the other being that if the Federating Units take their autonomy too far and begin to question, doubt and confront the Centre, the central authority in turn runs down that unit in every conceivable manner, and portends doom for the otherwise well-intended system.
Whereas the practice of decentralization in administration has been a successful tool of governance, it appears to be running into a snag when applying it to politics. Passing of the 18th Amendment with a view to empowering the provinces was a long awaited development in Pakistan aimed at instilling confidence in the federating units and assuring a rejuvenated Centre-Province relationship by redistribution of resources and subjects among them. But unfortunately, the emerging picture over decentralization of authority in Pakistan is not very reassuring as neither the Center appears to have the heart to really delegate Power, nor the Provinces indicate maturity to digest the new role.
There obviously is no Centre-Province problem if political Parties are the same at both ends. Issues surface only when different political Parties are at the helm of affairs in the Provinces and at the Centre, as the two are inherently suspicious of each other. That is where things go sour; as has been the case currently between the PTI Government at the Center and PPP in the Sindh Province where there is no love lost between them as political entities; trading accusations like; the Centre alleging lack of performance and cooperation by the Sindh Government which in turn complains about indifference and blocking of funding by the Centre.
Confrontation between the PTI Government and the Sindh Government had been brewing for some time over various non-issues; a typical trait of politics in Pakistan at the cost of the wellbeing of the common man which has sadly spilled over even to handling of the Coronavirus over which unlike oneness of command as demonstrated by the entire world, Pakistan was perhaps the only country showing fissures with various factions questioning the other’s methodology and accusing each other of non-cooperation; an extremely sad reflection upon governance and the country’s image in the face of a staring national calamity which all must collectively fight while seeking retribution and recompense from the Almighty.
And whereas everyone appeared to be praising the timely initiative by CM Murad Ali Shah of Sindh and his stringent lockdown, Imran Khan at the Centre reacting belatedly to initial lack of screening and quarantine facilities at the borders, was firstly caught unaware and faced some flak at the start. Thereon, even though the Prime Minister was forced to follow the Sindh Government pattern in his day-to-day Federal policy on the subject clamping what he eventually termed a ‘smart (localised) lockdown’ aimed at proactively targeted infected localities, he fought shy of acknowledging initiative by the PPP CM as he visited every other Federating Unit but Sindh, and labelled its elite for imposing the lockdown. The Sindh spokesmen did no better in accusing the Centre for allowing the Corona spread due to its indecision. The PM while opting for a relaxed lockdown, added to further confusion in simultaneously allowing the provinces to take decisions according to their obtaining situation.
Irritants appearing in the process call for a dispassionate revisiting of the Amendment relating to provincial autonomy, which besides removing the snags must reconsider allocation of resources and re-distribution of subjects. The primary subject of education in particular which has not been given the priority it deserves for a developing nation, has been so ignored that even the meagre funds allocated to the sector have been allowed to lapse by the provinces, which speaks volumes about the importance given by successive rulers to the prime sector, paying a lot of lip service but delivering next to nothing.
Education requiring a national outlook calls for a uniform curriculum for formal education besides a focused Higher Education Policy throughout the country. This is why the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan after painstaking deliberations among prominent expertise, had placed the Subject with the Centre while allowing the Provinces to incorporate regional requirements at the primary levels, to be formally approved by the Federal Government.
One feels that while allocation of resources may require judicious re-allocation by the Council of Common Interests, the education scene of the country which reflects total disharmony with divergent systems in vogue cannot be allowed further experimentation, and requires to be put on a uniform platform. Threats of grave consequences against any tinkering with the 18th Amendment emanating particularly from respected political entities are unfortunate because there is always room for improvement in man-made laws and procedures which can never be the last word.
—The writer is a media professional, member of Pioneering team of PTV and a veteran ex Director Programmes.

Related Posts

Get Alerts