THE area known as Balochistan had historically been sandwiched between the great Persian and Indian empires.
And like any other border territory between great empires, it was always neglected, exploited, and ignored.
In the 1500s, Balochistan was under the influence of the Safavid Persian Empire though Baloch tribes maintained considerable autonomy through resistance and continued raiding activities.
The Mughal emperor, Akbar then brought Balochistan under his control in 1595 and ruled it through his governor at Multan.
Mughal’s control was not absolute either, and the region experienced periods of local autonomy and influences from neighbouring powers like the Safavids and the Afghans.
Later in 1666, a local vassal, the Khanate of Kalat was given some loose autonomy to self-rule by the Mughals.
British Raj in the subcontinent later attacked Kalat in 1839 to secure the way for the invasion of Afghanistan.
In 1871-1872, the British and Persians demarcated the boundary between their territories, with some changes made in 1895-1896.
After the partition, Pakistan reconfirmed this boundary with Iran, with some very minor changes during a demarcation in 1958-1959.
Pakistan has faced periodic turmoil in Balochistan since its independence.
The first uprising was in 1948 when Mir Ahmad Yar Khan, the Khan of Kalat, acceded Balochistan to Pakistan on March 27, 1948, and his younger brother, Agha Abdul Karim, objected to his decision and went to Afghanistan and revolted against Pakistan.
In 1950, he laid down his arms as he failed to gather any substantial support from the then-Afghan government and the Soviet Union, and was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment.
A second period of conflict arose in 1958, fuelled by dissatisfaction with the “One Unit” policy; merging Balochistan with other provinces of West Pakistan.
Moreover, all titles and privileges granted to the Khan of Kalat were revoked by the Government.
This led Nawab Nauroz Khan to gather Baloch tribal leaders and demand the restoration of Khan of Kalat privileges and the abolition of One Unit.
As a result, a series of skirmishes erupted, however, in the early 1960s, Nawab Nauroz Khan laid down his arms when the Pakistani state promised to review its policy of One Unit.
Subsequently, Nauroz Khan was tried and was sentenced to death; however, his sentence was later changed to life imprisonment.
The third unrest Balochistan witnessed was in 1964 when Sher Muhammad Marri, who was not a Sardar or Nawab but a son of a minor clan chieftain of the Marri tribe, led the guerrilla rebellion to challenge the government’s decision to construct military bases in the province and quashing of One Unit.
The insurrection continued sporadically until 1969, when General Yahya Khan as President of Pakistan, abolished One Unit.
Sher Muhammad Marri was later arrested by Z.A Bhutto and faced imprisonment in different jails during the 70s.
The fourth insurgency began when the federal government dismissed the provincial government of Chief Minister Attaullah Mengal in 1973.
Attaullah Mengal had started replacing the non-Baloch bureaucracy with Baloch officers as per the ‘Repatriation Scheme’.
All non-Baloch teachers were expelled from the province on a single day’s notice, creating a big void in quality education.
He also armed his followers and ordered them to attack Jam of Lasbela and abduct Jam Muhammad Yousaf.
Meanwhile, a large cache of weapons was confiscated from the Iraqi embassy in Islamabad, en route to Balochistan to arm Baloch nationalist militias.
This forced the government of Z.A Bhutto to jail Attaullah Mengal and other leaders under the Hyderabad conspiracy case.
The fourth insurgency died when General Zia-ul-Haq announced a general amnesty for the Baloch insurgents and relinquished the Hyderabad conspiracy case’s tribunal.
After that Balochistan remained relatively peaceful until 2006, when the old Baloch leader, Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti was killed while he was hiding in a cave and was leading an uprising against General Musharraf’s rule.
This started the fifth uprising that has been ongoing with varying ferocity since then.
The insurgency in its classical terms finished following the general election of 2008 when the militants lost popular support in the masses, due to their hollow allegations, claims and acts of terrorism which affected the common man in Baluchistan more than the government or defence forces.
Balochistan complexity stems from both internal feudal dynamics and external interference.
Its strategic location—bordering Afghanistan, Iran, and the Arabian Sea—makes it a focal point of global interests.
The development of Gwadar port by China, providing direct access to the Middle East, has heightened regional tensions, especially with India struggling to counter it through Iran’s Chabahar port and the UAE fearing economic decline.
At a critical juncture, Baluchistan can choose either progress or prolonged instability.
Pakistan must adopt a comprehensive strategy—neither military operations alone nor economic packages will suffice.
Reforms must include dismantling the entrenched feudal system that sidelines ordinary Baloch and enhancing education through universities and technical institutes to empower youth.
Limited, intelligence-based military actions are essential to avoid harming innocents, while diplomatic efforts should expose foreign involvement in insurgencies, as seen in the Kulbhushan Jadhav case.
It’s vital to counter hardliner propaganda by revealing how their leaders enjoy safety abroad while the local youth are left to suffer.
With immense mineral wealth and strategic value, Balochistan holds the potential to thrive economically.
Peace and prosperity for its people can only be realized through sincere reconciliation and inclusive development, transforming the region from a conflict zone into a hub of opportunity.
—The writer is a freelance columnist based in Manchester, UK ([email protected])
