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Higher education system: An alarming collapse

Pakistans Gender Gap In Political Participation
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FOR decades, higher education has been viewed as a key pillar of national progress, promising to uplift societies, drive innovation and unlock human potential.

Yet, in Pakistan—a country with a population exceeding 240 million—the promise of higher education is rapidly unraveling. The nation’s universities, once seen as gateways to upward mobility and intellectual advancement, are now mired in financial crises, political interference, academic erosion and systemic neglect. The collapse of higher education in Pakistan is not a hypothetical threat; it is a grim reality playing out across campuses nationwide, with consequences that will reverberate for generations. At the heart of this crisis lies chronic underfunding. Pakistan spends less than 2% of its GDP on education—a dismal figure by global standards and significantly lower than the regional average. Within this meagre allocation, higher education is often the most neglected sector, treated as a luxury rather than a necessity.

The Higher Education Commission (HEC), the main body overseeing universities, has seen its budget slashed repeatedly over the past five years. As a result, public universities are struggling to pay salaries, fund research or attract qualified faculty. This fiscal crisis has triggered a domino effect. Faculty recruitment has stalled, leaving critical departments understaffed. Existing professors face delays in salary payments, eroding morale and forcing many to seek opportunities abroad. Brain drain, has accelerated as talented academics migrate to countries where their expertise is valued and properly compensated. Campuses that should be vibrant centres of research and debate are instead marked by empty classrooms, deteriorating facilities and administrative paralysis. But the collapse of higher education is not merely a budgetary issue; it is deeply intertwined with politics and ideology. Over the past two decades, universities have become battlegrounds for competing political factions, religious groups and state influence. Student unions, banned for years and now partially restored, often function as proxies for political parties rather than as platforms for student welfare or intellectual discourse. Faculty appointments, particularly in public universities, are frequently marred by favouritism, nepotism or ideological conformity rather than merit. This politicization has degraded academic standards.

Research output from Pakistani universities remains minimal on the global stage, with a few institutions making it to international rankings. The absence of a rigorous academic culture means graduates often enter the workforce ill-prepared for the demands of a competitive global economy. For students, the crisis manifests in multiple ways. Public universities, already overcrowded and under-resourced, can no longer meet growing demand. Private universities, though more abundant, often prioritize profit over quality, charging exorbitant fees for substandard education. This leaves higher education accessible only to the affluent, further entrenching social inequality. Those from lower-income backgrounds, particularly in rural areas, are effectively locked out of university education, widening the urban-rural and rich-poor divides. The situation is particularly dire for women. While female enrolment has improved in recent years, the collapse of higher education threatens these gains. Families, especially in conservative regions, are reluctant to send daughters to distant universities, where safety, infrastructure and academic credibility are in question. Without robust higher education pathways, Pakistan risks sidelining half its population from contributing meaningfully to national development.

The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated these structural weaknesses. As universities transitioned to online learning, the digital divide became glaringly apparent. Vast swathes of the student population, particularly in Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and rural Sindh, lacked internet access or digital devices. Many simply dropped out or fell behind, deepening existing educational inequities. While other countries used the pandemic as a catalyst to modernize their education systems, Pakistan’s higher education sector stumbled. Even elite institutions have not been immune to decline. Universities once considered the crown jewels of Pakistan’s academic landscape, such as Quaid-i-Azam University in Islamabad or the University of Punjab in Lahore, now face financial shortfalls, administrative crises and declining academic output. Very recently, the University of Karachi had to halt PhD admissions in around 10 departments for the 2025 academic session due to the unavailability of required PhD-qualified faculty members.

Meanwhile, the HEC, originally envisioned as an independent body fostering academic excellence, has seen its authority eroded by political interference and inconsistent policies. This weakening of oversight has crippled Pakistan’s ability to compete in science, technology and innovation—sectors vital for economic progress and national security. As academic standards deteriorate, so does the nation’s capacity to generate homegrown solutions to critical challenges like climate change, health crises and energy shortages. In marginalized regions, where universities offer rare paths to social mobility, disillusioned youth face bleak futures, becoming susceptible to crime, radicalization or migration in search of better opportunities. Pakistan’s higher education crisis is not unfolding in isolation; it mirrors a broader institutional decay affecting governance, economy and public services. Yet, its collapse carries unique, long-term consequences. While failing infrastructure or weak governance can, in theory, be reversed with political will and resources, the erosion of academic culture, scientific inquiry and intellectual capital is far harder to rebuild once lost. Left unaddressed, this collapse will not only undermine Pakistan’s economic prospects but will also corrode the very foundation of its democratic, social and developmental aspirations.

— The writer is an educator, based in Sindh.

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