THE tone and tenor of the recent interview conducted by the BBC with Zabihullah Mujahid was markedly different from previous engagements. Unlike a few months ago, where his statements were filled with aggression, threats and blame towards Pakistan for its failure to control terrorist activities within its borders, this interview took a more conciliatory approach. Mujahid extended an olive branch by highlighting shared cultural, religious and social values, overlapping economic interests, and common borders. He offered the interim Afghan government’s willing assistance to help address Pakistan’s concerns regarding cross-border terrorism.
This shift in the Afghan Taliban’s stance did not occur in a vacuum. It was the result of sustained and persistent pressure applied by Pakistan, particularly by its military leadership. After recognizing that its previous appeasement policies were ineffective, Pakistan adopted a multi-pronged aggressive strategy with a singular objective: to make the Afghan Taliban understand that they must either rein in the Pakistani Taliban (TTP) and stop them from launching cross-border attacks or Pakistan would be forced to take matters into its own hands to counter this threat decisively.
This aggressive policy included measures such as curbing cross-border trade, enforcing stricter border controls with formal visa protocols, shutting down traditional smuggling routes that have been financially sustaining the Afghan government and expelling over 400,000 Afghan nationals residing illegally in Pakistan. Additionally, Pakistan conducted intelligence-based operations within Afghanistan, targeting and eliminating high-profile TTP operatives, further escalating the pressure on the Afghan government.
General Asim Munir, Pakistan’s Army Chief, has been actively pursuing a public relations campaign to garner domestic and international support for Pakistan’s aggressive stance towards Afghanistan. This campaign has included delivering numerous speeches at significant events, where he has consistently emphasized the necessity of eradicating the TTP and its networks, both within Pakistan and across the border. In a recent address to cadets at the prestigious Pakistan Military Academy¡ Kakul, General Munir invoked religious verses, denounced the TTP as Khawarij (a term historically used to describe extremist rebels) and urged the Afghan government to reciprocate Pakistan’s decades-long support by assisting in the elimination of the cross-border terrorism threat.
In his high-profile speeches, the army chief categorically ruled out any other options—political, economic or diplomatic—for resolving the issue of the virulent and dangerous TTP. Instead, he has asserted that the only viable solution is to kinetically eliminate the TTP threat. Against this backdrop, the recent interview with Zabihullah Mujahid holds immense significance. Mujahid presented several concrete proposals aimed at easing the frustration and anger of Pakistan’s leadership, particularly the military, which has been deeply affected by the ongoing sacrifices of its officers and soldiers. With patience and forbearance wearing thin, these proposals could be seen as an attempt to open a dialogue and potentially ease tension between the two countries.
He has offered mediation between the Pakistan Government and the TTP. However, Pakistan has already been engaged in several such mediated talks, which have often proven more detrimental than beneficial to its interests. Pakistan’s principled stance is that these notorious and dangerous elements have committed heinous crimes against the people and the state of Pakistan. The Afghan government, which has provided them refuge, equipped them with modern weapons and offered them safe havens, is equally culpable in the conflict with the TTP, seemingly using them as strategic assets against Pakistan. Therefore, Pakistan’s demands are twofold: first, that the Afghan government must cease harbouring these militants, and second, that they must hand them over to the Pakistani authorities to be subjected to the legal and judicial processes and held accountable according to the laws of the land. Given these firm demands, the option of mediation is almost a non-starter for Pakistan.
Zabihullah Mujahid’s claim that the TTP issue is purely an internal matter for Pakistan holds little substance given Afghanistan’s role in harboring over 6,000 heavily armed militants. By providing these terrorists with resources and safe havens, Afghanistan has positioned itself as an active participant in the conflict, making its assertion of non-involvement untenable. International legal frameworks, including UN Security Council Resolutions, emphasize that responsibility for terrorism extends beyond the perpetrators to those states that shelter and support them. Thus, Mujahid’s claims lack credibility and contradict established international norms.
His assertions about the Afghan government’s commitment to preventing Afghan soil from being used against Pakistan are similarly hollow. The Afghan government is knowingly harboring Pakistani nationals who have committed serious crimes and are orchestrating cross-border terrorism. Despite being fully aware of these militants’ activities targeting Pakistan’s core interests, Afghanistan continues to protect and even empower them. This raises serious doubts about the sincerity of its commitment to non-interference and suggests a deliberate complicity in the violence directed at Pakistan.
However, Mujahid’s proposal for formal talks between Pakistan and Afghanistan carries significant value. Engaging in direct negotiations would allow Pakistan to clearly communicate its demands and compel the Afghan government to take concrete actions against the TTP. Such dialogue could be a crucial step toward resolving the issue, though Pakistan remains firm that any resolution must include definitive action against these militants. Should these talks fail, Pakistan would gain enhanced legitimacy and international support for launching decisive operations aimed at eliminating the TTP threat, thus safeguarding its national security interests.
—The writer is a former Press Secretary to the President.
