THE recently signed Pakistan–Saudi Arabia Defence Pact is a defining moment in the evolving geostrategic landscape of the Middle East and South Asia.
It is the most significant development since the 1981 agreement under which Pakistani forces were stationed in Saudi Arabia. Welcomed by the United States, the pact has drawn both criticism and support, highlighting its importance in the shifting balance of power.
For decades, the Middle East has relied on Western powers for security, leaving its defence vulnerable to external influence. Israel’s rise as a dominant military force has deepened insecurity for neighbouring Muslim States, especially Saudi Arabia. Against this backdrop, the pact signals not only a continuation of an old partnership but also a new alignment. Pakistan brings military experience, nuclear capability and resilience, while Saudi Arabia offers immense wealth but limited military depth. Together, they represent a powerful combination capable of reshaping regional politics.
The defence relationship is not new. Since the 1960s, Pakistan has provided training, manpower and direct security support to Saudi Arabia. It peaked in 1981 with a large Pakistani contingent deployed in the Kingdom. What distinguishes the current pact is its formalization in today’s altered geopolitical environment and Pakistan’s demonstration of strength in the May 25 conflict with India. That short war underscored Pakistan’s superior strategy and conventional capability, challenging propaganda that portrays it as weak. The message was clear: Pakistan has multi-domain capabilities and cannot be underestimated—a fact noted in both India and Israel.
For Saudi Arabia, confidence in Pakistan has grown. Despite occasional hiccups, the Kingdom has long regarded Pakistan as a trusted partner. Now, faced with shifting US priorities and emboldened Israeli actions—including the strike on Doha—Riyadh is reassessing its dependence on Washington. The muted US response has further encouraged Saudi Arabia to seek alternatives and the new pact reflects this recalibration.
India, aligned with Israel, views the development with unease. Western analysts raise concerns about nuclear proliferation, yet Washington’s response has been measured rather than negative. For Pakistan, the pact presents opportunities and challenges. Defence commitments are costly and Islamabad cannot shoulder the burden alone given its economic constraints. Saudi Arabia must share responsibility, not only through direct financial support but also by investing in Pakistan’s defence industry.
Although Saudi Arabia possesses advanced weaponry, its reliance on Western suppliers for maintenance and supply chains restricts its independence. Joint Pakistan–Saudi development of indigenous land, air and naval systems would reduce dependence on external actors. In this context, Gwadar Port—at the mouth of the Persian Gulf—assumes critical importance. Its defence and development, in coordination with China, will be vital to securing sea lanes and shared interests.
The wider Middle East remains unsettled. The Israeli strike on Qatar rattled Gulf States, while the communiqué issued by leaders of 57 Islamic countries produced little action, disappointing nearly two billion Muslims. Prime Minister Netanyahu’s disregard for international law, reinforced by US backing, has created a “new normal” in which Gulf States feel exposed. Under such conditions, Pakistan’s earlier proposal with Turkey and Malaysia for a NATO-like Islamic defence force appears more relevant. A restructured version of the force once led by General Raheel Sharif, supported collectively in manpower and funding, could provide genuine security.
The pact also reshapes South Asian dynamics. India’s Foreign Office has declared it will monitor the agreement closely, wary of its potential to tilt the regional balance. Given the BJP government’s hawkish tendencies, the possibility of limited aggression against Pakistan cannot be dismissed. Meanwhile, reports that Saudi Arabia may join Pakistan–China military exercises point to emerging trilateral cooperation. If realized, this would mark a major strategic shift, possibly extending to broader partnerships with Russia and others dissatisfied with Western dominance. Despite its promise, the pact has faced domestic criticism in Pakistan, where political biases often cloud assessments of national projects. This tendency has historically caused Islamabad to squander opportunities. Yet in geopolitics, change is constant and only those who adapt benefit. The pact offers Pakistan a chance to strengthen its regional role, but it requires clear strategy, economic resilience and political unity.
To maximize benefits, Pakistan should press for Saudi investment in local defence production, naval modernization and air capabilities. Such steps would enhance self-reliance, create jobs and strengthen the economy. Defending Gwadar and Pakistan’s coastline must also be prioritized, given their vulnerability to regional rivalries. At the same time, governance reforms and zero tolerance for corruption are essential to ensure resources are used effectively.
The pact is therefore more than a bilateral agreement. It marks the opening of a new chapter in Pakistan–Saudi relations, built on six decades of cooperation but redefined for today’s challenges. It is likely to influence the Middle East balance of power, reshape South Asia’s strategic spectrum and foster new groupings that may include China and Russia. It also provides a counterweight to expansionist projects such as “Greater Israel,” which continue to unsettle the Muslim world.
For Pakistan, the challenge lies not only in fulfilling the responsibilities of the pact but also in converting this partnership into lasting strategic gains. If managed wisely, the agreement could enhance Pakistan’s international standing and security. Achieving this requires foresight, economic stability and unity of purpose. The moment is critical and Pakistan must seize it.
—The author is a Brigadier Retired, a decorated officer with 32 years of active combat experience, 30 years in corporate sector as MD/COO. A column writer, Researcher and TV analyst.
