Dr Sidra Ahmed
PAKISTAN’S maritime industry is perilously situated at the nexus of untapped potential and persistent vulnerability.
Despite having more than 1,000 kilometers of coastline and being near the Strait of Hormuz, which passes through over one-fifth of the world’s oil supply, Pakistan has not yet converted its geostrategic advantage into quantifiable economic rewards. The federal minister for Maritime Affairs Junaid Anwar Chaudhry stated that Pakistan’s contribution in blue economy is currently around $1 billion annually, which accounts for just 0.4% of the national GDP with the potential to generate over $100 billion annually if fully optimized. This meager contribution to the country’s GDP is a result of institutional coordination, policy priority and marine governance, not a lack of potential. Therefore, the essential question is not whether Pakistan can effectively use its maritime domain, but rather why it has continuously underperformed and what policy adjustments are necessary to stop this pattern.
The blue economy is thought to be worth around $2.5 trillion a year worldwide, yet Pakistan’s share remains insignificant. Important industries including offshore resources, coastal tourism, port logistics and fisheries are still underdeveloped and ineffective. For example, Pakistan’s yearly fisheries exports are between $400 and $500 million, much less than those of its regional rivals. This is primarily because of antiquated methods, a lack of value addition and a failure to meet international quality standards. Similar to this, Gwadar Port, which is frequently envisioned as a potential regional hub under CPEC, is still operating much below capacity, demonstrating a disconnect between operational reality and strategic aspiration.
The security of Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) is a major national priority since almost 90% of Pakistan’s trade is carried out by sea. However, these routes are still vulnerable to a variety of dangers, from non-traditional threats like marine terrorism, drug trafficking and piracy to geopolitical instability in the Gulf. Another level of complication has been introduced by the growing militarization of the Indian Ocean region, as major nations have increased their naval presence. Improving the Pakistan Navy’s operational capability is crucial in this situation, but it is not enough on its own. The fragmentation of government is a deeper problem. Numerous military and civilian organizations with conflicting mandates and little coordination oversee Pakistan’s marine area. Ineffective resource use, lax enforcement and policy paralysis are the outcomes of this institutional contradiction. Pakistan lacks a centralized marine authority that can incorporate economic, environmental and security goals into a cohesive national policy, in contrast to top maritime economies. Increased investment by itself won’t produce the intended results without structural reform.
The extent of illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing is equally concerning. According to estimates, illegal fishing within Pakistan’s Exclusive Economic Zone costs the country millions of dollars every year. In addition to reducing marine biodiversity, this has a direct effect on the livelihoods of more than 400,000 people who depend on the fishing industry. This exploitation has been largely unchecked because to inadequate surveillance, a lack of patrolling capability and regulatory gaps. Stricter enforcement and technology advancements, such satellite surveillance and vessel tracking systems, are necessary to address this.
Maritime sustainability is further threatened by environmental pressures. Marine ecosystems are severely harmed by untreated industrial waste and sewage discharge, making Karachi’s coastal waters among the most contaminated in the region. These vulnerabilities are made worse by climate change: shifting ocean temperatures interfere with fish migration patterns and increasing sea levels and coastal erosion endanger infrastructure. However, environmental factors continue to play a minor role in policy development, exposing a short-term economic bias at the expense of long-term resilience.
Pakistan’s maritime diplomacy is still more reactive than strategic. Although it participates in regional organizations like the Indian Ocean Rim Association, its participation has mostly been symbolic. Pakistan’s maritime diplomacy centers on its reliance on aging, Chinese-supplied naval assets, severe economic constraints hindering modernization and a significant power disparity with India. Analysts often cite “sea blindness” in national policy, with a, land-centric focus neglecting the blue economy and a lack of, strategic infrastructure development Pakistan has to move from passive involvement to active coalition building in an era of escalating Indo-Pacific rivalry, especially in sectors like maritime security, climate resilience and sustainable resource management.
Pakistan’s Maritime’s dilemma ultimately stems from governance and policy inertia rather than geography. In order to secure the seas, a complete national maritime strategy based on data, institutional coherence and long-term vision is necessary, in addition to naval expansion. Pakistan is at a pivotal point in its maritime history. Its coastal potential will remain underutilized and its vulnerabilities will worsen in the absence of prompt, evidence-based policy intervention. In addition to providing Pakistan with strategic depth, the seas also provide it with economic lifelines, if it chooses to secure them by deliberate, persistent and well-informed policy action.
—The writer is Director, Governance & Oversight, Council for Global Affairs & Policy Alternatives.
