WHO is Hafiz Naeem ur Rehman and what kind of person is he? People know much about him, but I make no such claim. My impressions were largely formed after he became Ameer of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan. Had Mr. Shakeel Tarabi not intervened, they might have remained unchanged. About a month ago, Mr Tarabi informed me that the Ameer Sahib would be available at a gathering where people would offer condolences on the death of Ameer-ul-Azeem. I had known Azeem Bhai for years and was deeply grieved by his passing. Memories of many shared experiences came rushing back. Meeting people on that occasion might have eased my grief, but I missed the opportunity through my own mistake.
A few days ago, however, Mr Tarabi told me that Hafiz Naeem had remembered me and invited me to meet him. I gladly accepted. We had a fruitful conversation and an old memory suddenly added an unexpected depth to my understanding of him. It was probably 1992 or 1993. Two activists of Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba were abducted in Gulshan-e-Iqbal, Karachi, brutally tortured and killed. It was the dark era of Altaf Hussain, founder of the MQM, who was known for his chilling indifference to human life. I approached the Karachi Nazim of Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba to learn the details. The weekly Takbeer was raising its voice against the MQM’s excesses and I offered him our pages to expose the injustice. He listened attentively before responding.
His reply recalled a statement by Maulana Syed Abul A’la Maududi. During and before Ayub Khan’s dictatorship and the years that followed, when persecution of Maududi and his associates intensified and every avenue of justice seemed closed, the Maulana had said, “I have filed my case in the court of Allah.” At that difficult moment, the Nazim’s response was essentially the same. Hafiz Naeem reminded me that he was the young man I had met some twenty-five or thirty years earlier. The veil of unfamiliarity lifted instantly. I realized that the changes I had observed since he became Ameer were not accidental; they reflected the depth of thought I had witnessed in a young man in his early twenties.
Our conversation covered several challenges facing him. The foremost is the petroleum levy, which he calls extortion and against which his party is protesting. A long march is waiting in Multan for his signal. I did not directly question him about the march, but sought to understand the prospects for resolving the dispute. A few days earlier, during a meeting with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Dr Khurshid Ahmad Nadeem, Chairman of the National Rahmat-ul-lil-Aalameen wa Khatam-un-Nabiyyin Authority, Mansoor Mani, Arshad Malik and I had discussed the levy and Jamaat’s planned march. The Prime Minister said resolving the issue was his responsibility and that he had already promised Hafiz Naeem to do so. He suggested addressing the matter after Sohail Afridi had had his way. We unanimously proposed resolving the levy issue first. The Prime Minister agreed, contacted Ahsan Iqbal immediately and directed him to approach Jamaat-e-Islami and arrange a meeting that very night. Hafiz Naeem subsequently confirmed that Ahsan Iqbal had contacted Liaquat Baloch and that a meeting was expected soon.
Pakistan has seen several Ameers of Jamaat-e-Islami over the past three or four decades and their policies and results are part of history. Hafiz Naeem has introduced a new emphasis on public grievances, beginning with the “Give Karachi Its Rights” Movement. I wanted to know whether he believed this strategy would bring the party closer to power. His answer was clear: Jamaat was addressing public problems without seeking praise or reward. As time passes, Pakistanis face mounting difficulties, yet political parties have become increasingly detached from people’s basic needs. The public has virtually disappeared from their agendas.
Youth development was another major theme. Hafiz Naeem believes technological change is advancing at an unprecedented pace, while human-resource development and training lag far behind. Although governments bear primary responsibility, their constraints make it necessary for others to contribute. Jamaat has, therefore, decided to help prepare young people for future challenges. He explained that Mansoora, Idara Noor-e-Haq and other Jamaat offices have become centres for Alkhidmat’s “Bano Qabil” programme. These offices now welcome young people learning information technology and other modern skills, rather than serving merely as administrative centres.
We also discussed political and religious stagnation and emerging threats to world peace. Despite his relative youth, Hafiz Naeem appeared well informed and held definite views on these questions. Any politician’s position and strategy deserves scrutiny; Hafiz Naeem is no exception. Nevertheless, my impression is that despite his clear political narrative and ambitions, he remains closer to the Jamaat-e-Islami that viewed itself primarily as a movement for reform. It believed that effectively pursuing reform would ultimately achieve the objectives for which the party was founded.
—This writer is former advisor to President, author & mass media theorist.
(farooq.adilbhuta@gmail,com)
