IN the complex issue of Balochistan, Jamaat-e-Islami has now become active, and under the leadership of Maulana Hidayat ur Rehman from Gwadar, a caravan is making its way to Islamabad.
The matter has become extremely serious — not only in terms of Balochistan’s internal issues, but also regarding the experience of non-Baloch Pakistanis, particularly the people of Punjab.
It has often been observed that movements based on ethnicity or regional issues, when taken into their own hands, quickly descend into extremism and violence. This is precisely what the experience of Mahrang Baloch’s Baloch Solidarity Committee demonstrates. Some time ago, when terrorism was at its peak in Balochistan, Dr. Mahrang Baloch and her committee emerged with the claim that they would adopt a purely political approach and defeat militancy. However, their rallies and demonstrations were almost entirely marred by violence. Disorder occurred at nearly every one of their gatherings across different areas of Balochistan. While it’s true that law enforcement agencies intervened in these activities, what is less discussed is why they did so. It is now becoming clear that around Dr. Mahrang were the same individuals who had taken up arms and gone into the mountains, or whose hands were stained with the blood of Punjabi labourers and pilgrims. Documentary evidence of this is now beginning to surface.
One reason for Balochistan’s troubles is internal. Every society has local differences and challenges, for which grassroots movements may arise. But Balochistan’s situation is different. Balochistan became part of Pakistan through a complete constitutional and legal process. However, from the beginning, some elements were opposed to this integration. These groups pinned their hopes on foreign powers — whether they were seeking support from Afghanistan during the accession of the Kalat State or later from India. Similarly, during the integration of Gwadar with Pakistan, India’s negative role also became evident. Prime Minister Feroz Khan Noon incorporated Gwadar into Pakistan precisely because, under Indian influence, an economic system was emerging that was draining Pakistan’s economy and endangering its national defense. The people, India used during these decisive moments, are still following the same path to achieve their goals.
This historical background forms part of the broader problem we face in Balochistan today. Once Pakistan decided to make Gwadar a hub for global trade, new complications arose. To understand these, one might consider the example of Karachi’s destruction. While Karachi — a major business center — was being deliberately hollowed out, one must ask: which new regional centers were being established in its place? Now that Gwadar is set to become a global trading hub, the very same forces that played a role in Karachi’s downfall are again active and deeply involved in creating unrest in Balochistan. This factor is important, but another major cause of regional instability also needs to be understood: India’s active interference. There is no shortage of evidence — not only do we have documentary proof, but we also captured a major Indian spy, Kulbhushan Jadhav, whose confessions were eye-opening. These two foreign elements — India and its proxies — have made significant efforts to collaborate with internal actors in Balochistan. The group formed through this alliance is what we call “Fitna-e-Hindustan” (the Indian menace).
These are the very forces driving the current instability in this vital region of our homeland. Our failure lies in not being able to establish an effective pact with nationalist elements in the province who still believe in Pakistan’s unity and integrity. And even when such an agreement was formed, we failed to maintain it. As a result, the disruptive forces gained ground and the growing unrest among the public remained unresolved.
In this context, the strategy of Nawaz Sharif’s previous government was effective. Under the leadership of Malik Baloch, not only did development begin to take root in Balochistan, but separatist elements also became increasingly marginalized. Unfortunately, that effort was dismantled. After that, violence escalated again, and figures like Mahrang Baloch emerged, standing behind the terrorists. It is painful to note that at this critical moment, the nationalist voices from the province who believe in Pakistan are no longer active. Similarly, national political parties seem ineffective on this front. Against this backdrop, Jamaat-e-Islami’s entry into the picture is a positive development.
The actions of terrorists and the reckless behaviour of Mahrang Baloch had deeply wounded the people of Punjab, making it difficult to even talk about Balochistan’s legitimate grievances. A sense of detachment had developed among the public due to terrorist activities. The initiative by Jamaat-e-Islami may help heal this bitterness and revive a healthy dialogue. People in Punjab who once welcomed figures like Mahrang are now few and far between — but this is not the case with Jamaat-e-Islami. Its members, who believe in Pakistan’s unity and stability, will welcome Maulana Hidayat ur Rehman at every step and remove every barrier in his path toward integration into the national mainstream. Other national parties should follow Jamaat-e-Islami’s lead and take the Balochistan issue into their own hands — directly and responsibly.
—This writer is former advisor to the President of Pakistan, author & mass media theorist.
(farooq.adilbhuta@gmail,com)
