Protecting State: A blueprint for contractual resilience

Brig Raja Shozab Majeed (R)

 

IN an era of cross-border economic interdependence, state-to-state contracts and agreements involving foreign stakeholders are the bedrock of major infrastructure, trade and investment ventures. Yet, too often, the critical clauses that determine a contract’s resilience—force majeure, dispute resolution, arbitration and termination, are drafted hastily, inconsistently or with dangerous ambiguity. These clauses should be standardized through extensive consultation across ministries to build investor trust and preserve national interest. This is not an administrative burden but an important part of national security. We have to safeguard against the legal trap and a starting point can be the force majeure clause. Thus, standardization must begin with a broad definition encompassing all possible cyberattacks, pandemics, conflicts, embargoes, changes in law etc. The provision shall be for the protection of the interests of the nation. For example, if an unforeseen event stops performance, any payments made during the force majeure period should be modified to reflect the actual expenses incurred or services not rendered. Such adjustments must be negotiated vigorously at the signing table, the only moment when both sides are equally eager to secure deal.

Governments often err by allowing departmental officers to lead these negotiations. Instead, qualified negotiators, professionals trained in commercial leverage, must take the helm, supported by the technical team. Desperation weakens a state’s hand; composure and due diligence yield balanced terms. Moreover, every negotiating team and legal expert engaged must be screened for conflicts of interest, a flaw that has undermined countless agreements.

Moving from unforeseen events to inevitable disagreements, no contract survives all disputes without a structured resolution mechanism. A standardized dispute resolution clause should prescribe a mandatory ladder: first, good faith mutual discussions; second, mediation. Here, Pakistan’s judicial thought leaders, Honourable Justice Mansoor Ali Shah and Justice Jawad Ahmed of the Lahore High Court, have articulated a vision of mediation that reduces cost and preserves relationships. Their approach should be explicitly referenced as the guiding framework. Only when mediation fails should arbitration commence. Critically, every effort must be made to seat arbitration in Pakistan and apply Pakistani law. That requires urgent updating of our Arbitration Act to align with the UNCITRAL Model Law, thereby giving international stakeholders procedural confidence. But law alone is insufficient; we must also enhance our credibility in the enforcement of arbitral awards, currently a weak link. Without enforceable awards, arbitration is a paper tiger. Therefore, any standardized approach must pair legal reform with institutional capacity building to ensure that foreign stakeholders trust that a Pakistani award will be honoured both domestically and abroad.

The arbitration clause itself demands particular attention within this standardization effort. A vague arbitration clause invites jurisdictional battles and procedural chaos. Standardization therefore requires that every arbitration clause specify, in detail: the seat of arbitration (for example, Islamabad, with neutral procedural rules); the institutional rules to be followed (such as those of the ICC, LCIA or a reformed Pakistani arbitration centre); the number of arbitrators (typically three, one appointed by each party, who then select the presiding third arbitrator); the language of the proceedings; the timeline for convening (for instance, within thirty days of a notice of arbitration); and a binding schedule for submissions, hearings and the final award (for example, a final award within six months). Absent such detail, delay and expense become weapons for the less scrupulous party. By standardizing these elements across all state contracts involving foreign stakeholders, Pakistan can eliminate ambiguity and reduce the risk of protracted international litigation.

Finally, no contract is permanent and the termination clause is often the most neglected provision until it is too late. A termination clause that is vague or incomplete can lead to catastrophic financial and reputational damage. Standardization requires that the termination clause exhaustively list all possible triggers, material breach, insolvency, prolonged force majeure or termination for convenience by either party. More importantly, the clause must prescribe, with mathematical precision, the method for valuing any asset upon termination. Rather than leaving valuation to post-termination litigation or ad hoc appraisals, the contract must attach annexes that provide clear formulas and worked examples. For instance, a depreciated replacement cost model or an agreed discounted cash flow method, illustrated with hypothetical numbers and scenarios, eliminates future doubt. Such annexes are the difference between a smooth exit and a decade of cross-border lawsuits. Standardizing this approach across all agreements ensures that termination becomes a predictable, manageable event rather than a surprise crisis.

To achieve this comprehensive standardization, Pakistan must move beyond ad hoc drafting by individual ministries. A high-level committee should be formed, comprising not only legally qualified individuals but also subject-matter specialists—specifically, Fellows of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators, who are true experts in dispute-resolution design. Equally important, the committee must include professionals who have actually negotiated and administered such contracts on the state’s side, with due qualifications in accordance with international standards. Relevant ministries- law, finance, foreign affairs, commerce and planning- must be involved to address their sector-specific concerns, but technical drafting must be led by those with proven hands-on experience and qualifications. Conflict of interest checks must be institutionalized. As Pakistan intensifies its pursuit of foreign direct investment and undertakes privatization of state assets, we stand at a critical crossroads. Standardizing force majeure, dispute resolution, arbitration and termination clauses, after due, inclusive debate, is the safeguard we cannot afford to postpone. Secure these clauses now or negotiate from a position of weakness and regret later.

—The writer is an international law expert and an internationally accredited arbitrator and mediator.

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