FORMER Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, following the general elections in 2013, stated in an NDTV interview that civilian supremacy over the military is essential, asserting that the prime minister is the boss, not the army chief, and that everyone must reside within the defined boundaries of the constitution. This statement was unprecedented in Pakistani politics. While enduring four years of intense political unrest and troubled governance, in July 2017, 5 members bench of the Supreme Court of Pakistan found the Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif guilty on a technicality unrelated to the Panama Papers and disqualified him for holding any public office. In the nation’s 76-years history, not one prime minister has served out a full five-year term. They have been thrown out by military or judicial coups. That very ouster of the elected Prime Minister was another chapter in Pakistan’s seemingly endless flirtation with state failure and chaos. Nawaz Sharif, Pakistan’s three-time elected prime minister, was ousted in 2016 after the Panama papers revealed undeclared properties abroad in his sons’ names. The scandal was not due to corruption or ‘Panama’, but rather his failure to be ’sadiq’ and ‘ameen’, or truthful and trustworthy, despite his previous successful attempts to address Pakistan’s economic issues. These vaguely worded criteria were brought into law by another military dictator General Zia-ul-Haq, under the contentious clauses of Articles 62 and 63 of the constitution of Pakistan. A godsend for military authoritarianism, these arbitrary provisions are meant to benchmark morally upright leaders and disqualify them if needed. The court ruled that Nawaz Sharif was untruthful about not receiving a monthly salary from his son’s Dubai-based company despite proven an Emirati work permit obtained during Musharraf’s exile.
The last tenure of the former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif (2013-2017) has had a lot to cheer about — the economic turn-around, the CPEC, infrastructure, energy sector, law and order situation for instance. Without attempting to belittle the government’s successes on the economic front, one should see the larger picture and there are reasons to become dismal on whacking democracy. International monetary institutions applauded the then government’s economic programs and key figures in that, has so far generally been free from the taint of corruption that seemed to have become one of the privileges of office in Pakistan. The PML-N government under the former PM was very keen to project a soft image for Pakistan, and there is no doubt that this country gets bad press abroad, often because the good here does not make news, while terrorism, honour killings and gang rapes regularly hit world headlines. In a same vein, the former Prime Minister Imran Khan was removed in April 2022, although by a vote of no-confidence; in reality, the military establishment had lost faith in him. With that most recent incident and the unjustified deceleration of the advancement of democracy, it was much more evident that the promises of the triumph of civilian governance and the arrival of spring would not materialize. Instead, they would only bring about a dismal autumn in which hopes would be scattered like leaves on the streets in clouds of dust. A fundamental point as to who decides what is best for Pakistan? The military has for too long arrogated to itself this right, which belongs to the people and the electorate of Pakistan. Many people who support democracy and democratic governance, including those from abroad, believe the only way out of the current crisis and to get the country back on track is civilian supremacy and continuation of democratic process. Had there been no military interventions, from 1958 onwards, we too might have had the kind of democracy that falters in many key areas across the border but also delivers in many others.
Pakistan has struggled with a loss of popular trust between democracy and the military, leading to economic and social problems. To achieve a future for the country, the basic right of the people to govern themselves must be unreservedly and unequivocally recognized. Democracy is often confusing, but in our circumstances, the structures supporting it, such as the constitution, parliament, and judiciary, have been systematically weakened. The Quaid’s ideals have been weakened, making it questionable whether they are still relevant as a frame of reference. The country needs to move forward and prosper in all fields of life. It is vital to dissuade military and judicial coups and restrain them through stringent regulations and constitutional amendments.
Pakistan needs a national consensus on its direction, based on its founding principles and past 76 years of experience. The constitution needs to be overhauled to empower the people and federating units. Provincial autonomy has been a topic of political rhetoric, and even those advocating for it have not presented a realistic power division scheme. Pakistan can move towards stability and consolidation by giving constituent units a strong stake in its strength and vitality. This includes economic development in backward provinces and regions, as well as a proper devolution of powers from the centre downwards. Democracy requires participation at all levels of government, federal, provincial, and local. Freedom from want for millions living in urban slums and less developed regions is essential, as is freedom for creative expression that contributes to the country’s dynamism. Pakistan must confront the challenge of discovering its direction and identity to ensure a more purposeful and productive future. The country must decide whether to be a democratic, disciplined, accommodating, and legitimate country or a society with a garrison mentality, unable to give people freedom to exercise their choice freely. This question should be asked by all who have confidence in Pakistan’s future as a vibrant and developed country.
—The writer is PhD in Political Science and visiting faculty member at QAU Islamabad.
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