THE situation in Pakistan is deeply troubling as the incompetence of politicians and civil administration has forced the army into handling sensitive ethnic, religious, cultural, and social conflicts, areas outside its training and primary purpose. The army is primarily trained to combat foreign enemies and assist the civilian government only when law and order are beyond civilian control. For example, during the Paris Olympics, over 10,000 military personnel provided security but returned to barracks after the event. In Pakistan, however, due to the persistent failures of political and civil leaders, the army is repeatedly called upon to manage conflicts that should be the civilian government’s responsibility.
During my over four decades of experience, I have frequently interacted with the Army Command when they were called to assist civilians. The army consistently argued that they should only be called upon in extreme circumstances. They emphasized that their military-grade weapons are unsuitable for use against their own citizens, which limits their effectiveness to that of the civilian government. While their presence and flag marches may initially intimidate the populace, this effect diminishes as people grow accustomed to the army’s involvement in civilian matters.
The involvement of the army in civilian affairs, driven by the incompetence of politicians and the civil administration, has severely damaged its image. Visible and virulent movements against the army have emerged in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) in KP advocates for the rights of the Pashtun people, aiming to end extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, and unlawful detentions, while demanding justice and human rights. In Balochistan, groups like the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), Baloch Republican Army (BRA), Baloch Liberation Front (BLF), and United Baloch Army (UBA) engage in armed struggle and propaganda against the army, further complicating the situation. This standoff has led to numerous incidents of violence, including the recent clash in Gwadar where a protest by the Balochistan Yakjehti Committee turned violent, resulting in the death of one soldier and injuries to 16 others. The loss of life, whether of a protester or a soldier, is deeply painful for every Pakistani patriot, underscoring the urgent need for competent governance and peaceful resolution of conflicts.
Like violent movements that should have no place in a democratic country, another deeply worrying phenomenon reflecting a serious fault line in our national fabric is the issuance of fatwas calling for the death of anyone contradicting the fatwa giver’s religious philosophy. There has been a history of such illegal fatwas in Pakistan. In 2012, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan issued a fatwa against Malala Yousafzai for advocating girls’ education, leading to an assassination attempt. In 2011, a fatwa was issued against Salman Taseer for criticizing blasphemy laws, resulting in his assassination. Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy faced fatwas in 2016 for her documentary on honour killings. Militant groups like TTP issued fatwas against polio vaccinations, claiming they were a Western conspiracy, leading to attacks on health workers. The 1974 fatwa against Ahmadis declared them non-Muslims, resulting in severe persecution. The Women’s Protection Bill in 2006 faced fatwas for attempting to protect women from domestic violence. Javed Ahmad Ghamidi faced threats and was forced to leave Pakistan in 2005 due to his progressive views. Judges involved in the 2018 acquittal of Asia Bibi faced death fatwas from extremist groups, and those who delivered the 2019 Faizabad Dharna verdict were similarly targeted. The latest incident involves a fatwa against Supreme Court Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa.
The Pakistan Army faces a two-pronged jeopardy, despite the unwavering dedication of its brave soldiers and officers who frequently embrace shahadat in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan to protect the country and its people from terrorists, criminals, and extremists. Instead of receiving the praise they rightly deserve, a virulent propaganda campaign has been unleashed against the army on social media and traditional media platforms. While this propaganda has failed to deter the armed forces from achieving their objectives, it negatively impacts overall morale. Therefore, it is imperative to address and reverse this situation promptly. In this context, the parliament should prioritize addressing the underlying fault lines within the country instead of wasting time on self-serving laws to protect itself from the judiciary or opposition parties. The parliament must investigate and understand the real reasons and factors that have transformed a large segment of society into separatist, insurgent, extremists, religious bigots, and intolerant individuals. These elements take pride in waging armed struggle against the army, burning religious symbols of minorities, lynching individuals accused of blasphemy, slaughtering those opposed to their religious views, and issuing fatwas to murder others without judicial process, all with impunity.
Interestingly, the district administration, special branch, and other intelligence agencies monitor all gatherings as a standard operating procedure, compiling daily reports at the district, divisional, provincial, and national levels, which ultimately reach the Prime Minister’s desk every morning. Ironically, neither the Prime Minister, the parliament, nor our so-called intellectual thinkers and philosophers have taken up the challenge to reverse the ever-increasing phenomena of separatism, extremism, bigotry, intolerance, and violent behavior. Due to this impunity, these elements have become emboldened to the point of issuing fatwas against high-ranking officials, including the army chief, the prime minister, judges, and now the chief justice.
As a nation, we must insulate our army from civilian affairs. Politicians and civil administration should step forward boldly to handle all internal political conflicts, such as the PTM and Baloch insurgency, taking full responsibility for their success and failure. Moreover, civilian leadership must recognize that fatwas, especially those that incite violence or are criminal in nature, including those related to incitement to violence, hate speech, and terrorism, have no official legal status. Those issuing these illegal decrees must be immediately brought to justice at the district level before such issues escalate to the national level.
—The writer is a former Press Secretary to the President.
