PAKISTAN’S political history has shown little promise for democracy and the ongoing tumultuous power struggle has pushed the country to the brink of collapse. In the midst of political wrangling and institutional clashes, the future of democracy appears grim. Stakeholders, whether in the government or opposition, have often sought the intervention of the judiciary or military to serve their own political interests. This has opened the door for undemocratic forces to infiltrate the democratic system. As a result, dynastically entrenched politicians, feudal electable, corporate elites and powerful figures have dominated the country under the guise of democracy. The constant cycle of political musical chairs and the alliance with undemocratic forces have deprived the true stakeholders—the public—of their rightful place in the political sphere.
The relentless struggle for power among undemocratic forces, feudal lords, industrial elites and ordinary citizens perpetuates a thirst for power, leaving the majority of citizens devoid of political and economic agency. The nexus between the former two groups alienates the middle class, preventing them from accessing structural power.
The marginalization of the majority of citizens in terms of political agency stems from the historical dominance of a minority elite in Pakistan’s power structure. Caste, class, tribe and ethnicity have long determined an individual’s position in the socio-economic and political hierarchy. The British colonial policies significantly altered the political landscape of pre-British subcontinent, transitioning it into a feudal society with patronage-based politics. Feudal lords have since shared power with undemocratic forces to protect their own interests, effectively diminishing the role of grassroots individuals in the decision-making process.
While the emergence of the middle class during the economic boom of the 1960s initially presented hope, this progress was short-lived. Figures like Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who championed the cause of the working class, eventually succumbed to patronage-based politics, alienating the very group that had supported him. Throughout the later part of the 20th century, the ruling oligarchs, whether military or civilian, structurally marginalized the middle class.
However, the political landscape experienced a significant shift with the advent of a knowledge-based economy and information technology. The 21st century brought about new social forces through urbanization, migration and the rise of a professional and middle class. These changes, combined with technological advancement, led to increased social mobility for the educated middle class and the emergence of a mixed urban-rural system. The diffusion of information technology and the internet played a crucial role in the rise of consumerism, elevating the aspirations and expectations of the middle class.
Notably, the internet and vibrant social media platforms provided an uncensored platform for the middle class to voice their opinions, amplifying their concerns and reshaping political communication. The formation of new professional associations broke down traditional social hierarchies based on ethnicity, tribe and caste, intensifying the aspirations of the middle class. They sought greater freedom, economic and political empowerment, improved service delivery, meritocracy, accountability and an enhanced lifestyle. It became clear that the existing exclusive political structure could not fulfill these aspirations and expectations.
Since then, the educated and technologically equipped middle class has increasingly sought to challenge the status quo. They turned against dynastic politics and the elitist power structure, yearning for an inclusive and participatory political system. Former Prime Minister Imran Khan entered the scene, capitalizing on the situation and attracting a significant portion of the middle class with his populist narrative. The frustrated middle class supported Khan, expecting their involvement in decision-making process and a fairer distribution of resources. However, Khan pursued pro-elite policies, disregarding the interests of the middle class and reinforcing the roots of dynastic and traditional politics. Once again, the middle class found themselves alienated.
The recent crackdown on dissidents further works against the interests of the middle class and the failure of Mr. Imran Khan can be seen as a failure of the middle class itself. His self-righteous attitude and patronage-based politics have reinforced the nexus between the elite and undemocratic forces.
Nevertheless, the evolved social forces and the growing power of the middle class cannot be suppressed. Frustrated with the existing system and traditional politics, they demand inclusive and participatory governance with a greater say in decision-making processes. Underestimating the ability of the middle class to challenge the centralized and closed political structure would be a grave mistake. Regardless of cosmetic measures taken by the coalition government to maintain traditional politics, the middle class will continue to resist. The specter of political instability will persist in Pakistan until the aspirations and expectations of the middle class are addressed.
—The writer is a Hansen Fellow at the University of San Diego.
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