Abdullah Mustafvi
IT will not be an overstatement that PPP ruled Sindh provincial government is opposing the idea of new administrative units with extra-ordinary enthusiasm. Should it be taken as a symbol of provincial patriotism and commitment with the residents of Sindh? Or it is usual political rhetoric fabricated to safeguard the political strongpoint without caring much for the better governance and deliverance system! As a matter of routine, the Pakistan Peoples Party has weaponized a calculated rhetoric of false provincial patriotism to mask its catastrophic governance failures across Sindh.
By framing any legitimate demand for new administrative units, particularly in a neglected, choking Karachi, as an existential threat to Sindhi identity, the party elite skillfully deflects from its own institutional rot. This hyper-nationalistic shield allows the PPP high command to protect its feudal power base while the province crumbles from within. Under their watch, Sindh has been reduced to a playground of systemic corruption, decaying infrastructure, and broken public sectors, where over 40% of children are out of school and riverine dacoits rule the highways with impunity. Exploiting provincial sentiment to avoid administrative accountability is no longer a political strategy; it is a direct betrayal of the citizens who continue to pay the price for the party’s relentless bad governance show.
The continuous governance crisis in Sindh during the uninterrupted fourth term presents a stark contrast between massive public spending and declining developmental indicators. Despite receiving thousands of billions of rupees in provincial budgetary allocations and federal transfers, both urban centres like Karachi and the rural hinterlands of Sindh suffer from deep-rooted failures in basic service delivery, institutional accountability, as well as law and order. According to data highlighted by political watchdogs and political leaders as reported by national media, Sindh’s functional literacy rate has suffered a devastating decline, with an estimated 40% of children dropping out before matriculation.
Despite an expanding annual education budget, 64% of schools lack electricity and 42% operate without clean water, leaving millions of out-of-school children with no viable access to basic literacy. Basic public services, sanitation, and waste management are severely broken. Both rural villages and major urban hubs like Karachi are highly neglected, suffering from persistent water shortages, open sewage lines, and dilapidated road networks. The provincial administration has failed to curb a deteriorating internal security situation. Tribal conflicts routinely lead to localized bloodshed, while heavily armed dacoit networks continue to expand, engaging in rampant kidnapping-for-ransom operations across the riverine areas of upper Sindh.
Critics point out that influential politicians from ruling benches often command private militias with complete impunity. Concurrently, vulnerable poor locals also face various types of systematic injustices and social disparities. PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari routinely defends his party’s record at national forums, claiming that the province has steadily improved service delivery and institutional capacity in specialized healthcare, poverty alleviation, and revenue generation since 2008. Enduring grip of PPP on Sindh relies on ancestral loyalty rather than performance. Built by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and solidified by Benazir Bhutto’s tragic 2007 assassination, this political inheritance secures the top leadership.
Rather than dismantling Sindh’s oppressive feudal economy, the PPP co-opts it by awarding tickets to traditional “electables” who control land, water, and policing. As Jamaat-e-Islami chief Hafiz Naeem ur Rehman noted, challenging these feudal lords carries fatal risks. Consequently, the ruling elite lacks the incentive to improve public services that could liberate dependent populations. This governance deficit translates into severe human suffering. Human development data reveals that roughly 19% of rural Sindh faced crisis-level food shortages between December 2025 and March 2026, while child stunting plagues 45% to 48% of the province. Rural Sindh also bears a disproportionate share of Pakistan’s 26 million out-of-school children. Financial scarcity is not the cause; federal transfers under the National Finance Commission (NFC) Award rose to 2.207 trillion rupees thus covering 73% of provincial spending.
Yet, the Annual Development Programme for schools and water was slashed by 29% to fund ballooning current expenditures. Meanwhile, Karachi gets just 55% of its required water, and the K-IV Indus water project remains unfinished since 2014. Instead of public development, resources frequently mirror elite enrichment. The 2018 fake accounts case tied billions to Omni Group accounts, implicating top tier leadership of ruling party , alongside leaked 2024 Dubai property data. Ultimately, tragedy of Sindh rather whole country is not a lack of funding or time, but a governing class refusing to bridge the chasm between collected wealth and delivered services.
—The writer is contributing columnist.
