Hafiz Naeem-ur-Rehman: The agenda unveiled

THE Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan’s recent General Congregation unfolded with a bold claim: “Change the system.”

The party argues that this demand is not merely its own but the collective voice of the nation. While the question of how such systemic change can be achieved requires deeper debate, the congregation itself turned into an important political event worth examining.

Although the tradition of holding such congregations dates back to the party’s early years, the 1963 congregation remains a defining moment. During that gathering, supporters of the Ayub Khan regime attacked the event and a worker, Allah Bakhsh, was martyred. Maulana Syed Abul A‘la Maududi, the party’s founder and the then Ameer, was delivering his speech when the firing began. His companions urged him to sit down, but he responded with the memorable line: “If I sit down, then who will remain standing?” Maududi continued speaking as bullets flew around him — a moment now etched in the party’s history.

The congregation tradition remains deeply rooted in Jamaat-e-Islami’s organizational culture, with each major gathering reflecting shifts in its political journey. Just as 1963 is remembered as historic, the recent congregation also stands out for setting new precedents — most notably the unprecedented participation of women. Their dedicated session, where the entire stage was assigned to women while the Ameer stepped aside after his remarks, was described by Professor Naeem Tahir Malik as perhaps the finest example of women’s empowerment within any political party in Pakistan. Another striking feature was the extraordinary attendance. Delegates arrived in such large numbers from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Gilgit-Baltistan, Kashmir and Balochistan that the Lahore and Punjab delegations were asked to vacate space and arrange their own accommodation.

While the media highlighted the massive turnout, it missed an important symbolic moment. Jamshed Ali Khan of Sargodha, a devoted ideological worker, pointed out that the entire congregation sang the national anthem under the leadership of Hafiz Naeem-ur-Rehman — an event that, had it been formally recorded, could have entered the Guinness Book of Records. Jamaat-e-Islami has historically made significant sacrifices for Pakistan’s integrity, though symbolic gestures have not always been emphasized. Hafiz Naeem, however, understands modern political communication well. The collective singing of the national anthem demonstrated a renewed commitment to national unity and Pakistan’s ideological foundations. The congregation will be remembered for these distinctive elements, but attention must now turn to its central message: Change the system. This slogan reflects the broader national desire for reform. The Pakistani nation recently endured a painful political experiment in pursuit of change — one that led to economic collapse, international isolation and a fragmented social fabric. Those responsible are now weakened, yet the longing for change endures.

Jamaat-e-Islami’s call for systemic reform carries credibility, but historical reservations remain. Since Pakistan’s creation, the party has engaged in several political alliances and experiments, only to find — as the proverb goes — that the dove endured the hardship while the crows enjoyed the eggs. After such experiences, Jamaat-e-Islami now insists on charting an independent course without alliances. This may prove wise, yet a longstanding obstacle persists: noise between the party’s message and the public. In communication theory, noise refers to barriers that prevent a message from being effectively received. This perceptual gap has historically prevented Jamaat-e-Islami from becoming a frontline political force.

The late Qazi Hussain Ahmad was particularly concerned about this issue. He believed one reason was Maulana Maududi’s scholarly writing style, which, though intellectually rich, sometimes created distance with the general public. Despite differing views on Maududi’s works, they remain central to Pakistan’s intellectual landscape. Leadership has now transitioned to the party’s third generation under Hafiz Naeem-ur-Rehman. Understanding modern sensibilities, he rose to prominence through the “Haq Do Karachi Ko” Movement, which transformed him into a recognizable political figure in the city. His action plan at the congregation reflects similar contemporary thinking.

The “Bano Qabil” (Become Capable) program — also launched under his leadership — addresses rising unemployment. While providing jobs is primarily the state’s responsibility, the scale of Pakistan’s workforce challenges requires societal participation. By offering skill development, Jamaat-e-Islami not only contributes to national needs but also builds stronger ties with the youth. Hafiz Naeem has announced plans to expand the program to include the unskilled workforce as well.

In addition, he aims to launch a microfinance initiative to help young people start businesses. These initiatives can certainly enhance the party’s social influence and prove beneficial for communities. But the critical question remains: can this approach translate into political power? Under normal democratic conditions, such grassroots engagement might be enough. But Pakistan’s political landscape demands something more. Hafiz Naeem has expressed his intention to keep the party consistently active on public issues — an area in which he has both expertise and a record of success. Whether this strategy will be sufficient remains to be seen. What is clear, however, is that after many years, Jamaat-e-Islami has presented a program that focuses not only on politics but on public welfare — without waiting to come into power.

—This writer is former advisor to the President of Pakistan, author & mass media theorist.

(farooq.adilbhuta@gmail,com)

 

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