THE Pakistan–Afghan Taliban peace talks, held over several rounds in Istanbul, Turkiye, have collapsed at a critical juncture.
The principal reason for the failure lies in the rigid and uncompromising attitude of the Afghan Taliban regime, which refused to address Pakistan’s legitimate security concerns. Despite repeated diplomatic efforts, the Taliban declined to act against terrorist organizations, most notably the TTP (FAK) and refused to guarantee that Afghan soil would not be used for cross-border terrorism against Pakistan. While debating the core of the dispute, Pakistan’s demand was straightforward: the Afghan Taliban should dismantle sanctuaries and training facilities of terrorist groups operating from Afghanistan against Pakistan. However, the Taliban regime, deeply intertwined with these organizations through ideological and operational linkages, rejected the proposal. The TTP and several other militant outfits continue to enjoy safe havens in Afghanistan, with the dedicated support of the Afghan Taliban regime together with the Indian spying network, Research and Analysis Wing (RAW).
The failure of peace talks in Turkiye has a deep Indian connection; indeed, the Istanbul peace talks have allowed India to exploit the situation to its advantage. New Delhi has strengthened its ties with the Taliban regime, especially after the Afghan Interim Foreign Minister’s recent visit to India. This new alignment is strategically aimed at undermining Pakistan’s internal stability and regional standing. It is deeply ironic that the Taliban, once viewed as opponents of Indian influence, are now being manipulated by an extremist Hindutva regime in New Delhi to act against Pakistan. Indian RAW has reactivated the former NDS and anti-Pakistan operatives in Afghanistan.
Whereas India’s role against Pakistan has existed through the ages, how can an illegitimate Afghan Taliban regime be allowed to have its full-fledged embassy in New Delhi and vice versa? It must be emphasized that the Taliban regime does not represent the will of the Afghan people. It is a coercive, unelected regime imposed by force, controlling the country through intimidation and violence. With an estimated strength of fewer than 200,000 fighters, the Taliban have subjugated a population of over 40 million Afghan citizens who strongly oppose their rule and challenge their authority. The entire Afghan population, especially the womenfolk, remains deprived of basic human rights, education and civic freedoms. The Taliban’s restrictions on female education and employment are not only contrary to the teachings of Islam, which emphasize knowledge for all, but also a violation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) adopted by the United Nations in 1948. The Afghan people must question the external powers that facilitated the Taliban’s rise to power in 2021 and continue to support them indirectly through aid and NGO channels.
The covert Indian engagement with the Taliban predates their return to power. During the US and NATO presence in Afghanistan (2001–2020), India maintained secret links with segments of the Taliban while publicly labeling them as extremists. RAW, in collaboration with the NDS, used Afghan territory to support TTP and other anti-Pakistan elements. After its military defeat at the hands of Pakistan in May 2025, India intensified its reliance on these terrorist proxies. Its strategy now includes: (a) strengthening ties with the Taliban regime and TTP for coordinated terrorism against Pakistan, (b) expanding espionage networks in Afghanistan under diplomatic cover, (c) deploying military advisers and intelligence operatives to assist anti-Pakistan groups, (d) supplying arms and funds to Afghan-based militants and (e) pursuing resource extraction projects in Afghanistan and Central Asia to entrench its presence.
The ultimate Indian goal appears to be provoking a two-front confrontation with Pakistan, opening conflict on both the eastern and western borders simultaneously, which may engulf the entire region. In fact, the Taliban regime poses a growing threat not only to Pakistan but to all neighboring states, including Iran, China, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. If left unchecked, the spread of extremism and cross-border terrorism will destabilize the entire region. Therefore, there is an urgent need for a Regional Security Dialogue among Afghanistan’s neighbours to develop a unified approach toward countering terrorism, intelligence infiltration and narcotics financing emanating from Afghan soil. Over the years, terrorism has become a lucrative enterprise for TTA. Their alliance with groups like TTP, BLA, etc., serve financial purposes rather than ideological ones. These groups extort money from local populations and receive external funding from states that seek to destabilize Pakistan. Under the guise of Islamic rule, the Taliban regime is, in fact, implementing the agendas of anti-Islamic and anti-Muslim forces, with India’s BJP-led government emerging as their chief benefactor.
In the aftermath of the failed peace talks, Pakistan must adopt a prudent and multifaceted strategy. Direct confrontation with the Taliban regime would serve India’s interests. Instead, Pakistan should: (a) secure its borders and intensify counterterrorism operations against TTP and its affiliates, (b) engage in Track-II diplomacy to mobilize Afghan civil society, religious scholars and tribal elders against the oppressive Taliban rule, (c) coordinate with regional states, especially Iran, China and the Central Asian Republics, to formulate a common counterterrorism framework and (d) maintain strategic patience, avoiding any hasty military escalation that could trap Pakistan into a broader two-front war.
The breakdown of Pakistan–Afghan Taliban peace talks is not merely a diplomatic setback but rather reflects a deeper regional realignment. The Taliban’s alliance with India, their continued patronage of terrorism and their suppression of Afghan society pose grave threats to regional peace. Pakistan’s response must be guided by foresight, coordination and resilience, combining defensive strength with diplomatic outreach to ensure both its national security and regional stability.
— The writer is Professor of Politics and IR at International Islamic University, Islamabad.
