AS the era of unipolarity nears its end, both major and rising powers across the globe are striving to maximize their strategic and diplomatic footprints. International organizations play a critical role in geopolitical manoeuvring, with China and the US engaging in global competition and states like India seeking regional supremacy. In this context, Pakistan, amid significant financial challenges, is working to revitalize its international posture. The 2024 SCO summit, held in Islamabad, marked a pivotal moment in Pakistan’s efforts to reclaim its global stature. The summit, attended by heads of state from member countries, highlighted Pakistan’s diplomatic positioning in the region. India was represented by Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar, standing in for Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This diplomatic engagement underscores the interplay of state interests within a multilateral framework, exemplifying the concept of “complex interdependence” as described by Keohane and Nye, where states prioritize diplomacy despite underlying geopolitical tensions.
Pakistan has consistently prioritized creating an environment conducive to peaceful coexistence. Although this approach has sometimes negatively impacted its interests, its commitment to global peace has remained steadfast. Despite hostilities from its western and eastern neighbours, Pakistan has largely opted for diplomatic resolutions over an offensive stance. In the face of ongoing economic challenges and regional instability, Pakistan’s dedication to multilateralism has allowed it to regain a notable diplomatic presence. The 2024 SCO summit in Islamabad, attended by key global players, is a testament to this resurgence. Even the Indian Prime Minister could not afford to bypass the event, leading him to send Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar on his behalf. Contrary to expectations that Jaishankar would continue his usual rhetoric of portraying Pakistan as a state sponsor of terrorism, his tone was tempered by recent developments. Notably, Canada’s expulsion of Indian diplomats implicated in transnational terrorism has undermined India’s moral high ground. As reflected in the constructivist theory in international relations, these events illustrate how norms and perceptions evolve in response to political dynamics, shaping state behavior on the global stage.
Jaishankar’s speech at the SCO forum embodies the teachings of Chanakya Kautilya on concealing true intentions under the guise of goodwill. While India projects itself as a proponent of multilateralism and peaceful coexistence, it simultaneously pursues strategic autonomy under the auspices of the United States. This duality highlights India’s efforts to position itself as a regional hegemony, leveraging relationships with major powers to evade accountability. The recent revelations of transnational terrorism activities linked to New Delhi underscore this lack of restraint, as India capitalizes on the absence of effective international oversight.
Jaishankar’s speech repeatedly focused on the “three evils” of terrorism, extremism and separatism, aiming to cast Pakistan as a source of cross-border terrorism. This approach sought to overshadow growing unrest within India, which faces active separatist movements in Manipur, Khalistan and Kashmir. India’s social fabric is increasingly strained, with religious and ethnic minorities facing severe discrimination. For the past four years, the US Commission on International Religious Freedom has consistently recommended that the US Department of State add India to its “Countries of Particular Concern” list due to gross human rights violations against religious minorities. These groups have faced lynchings by vigilantes, the demolition of their homes and places of worship and discriminatory laws, such as the Citizenship Amendment Act and cow slaughter laws, along with incendiary speeches by government officials inciting violence against them.
In terms of terrorism, India has been implicated in transnational repression, with its diplomats, including a high commissioner, expelled from Canada for involvement in transnational terrorism on Canadian soil. The US also thwarted an Indian attempt to target Sikh activists on American soil. Indian espionage networks have recently been exposed in Australia and Indian naval officers were caught spying in Qatar on behalf of Israel. In Pakistan, Kulbhushan Jadhav, a serving officer of the Indian Navy, was apprehended for espionage and involvement in terrorist activities. RAW was also reportedly involved in up to 20 assassinations of Kashmiri activists in Pakistan in 2020.
India has been critical of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), claiming it violates its territorial integrity and sovereignty. At the SCO summit, Jaishankar reiterated this stance by emphasizing the importance of cooperation based on sovereignty and territorial integrity, a veiled criticism of the CPEC project, despite India itself promoting connectivity to Central Asia.
Jaishankar’s speech also portrayed India’s alignment with the Western bloc, advocating for multipolarity and a regional rebalance. This strategic alignment, which includes initiatives such as the QUAD and other Indo-Pacific alliances, reveals India’s selective engagement with the West, excluding China and Russia. Furthermore, his call for the SCO to serve as a platform for honest dialogue is unrealistic given India’s ongoing bilateral tensions with Pakistan and its unwillingness to engage in direct talks. India attended the 2024 SCO summit with the intent to advance its strategic objectives amid a contested geopolitical landscape. Its participation seemed to convey frustration towards the US and Canada, who have criticized India for its transnational terrorism activities. With rising international scrutiny of India’s human rights record, the Modi government faces the dual challenge of refuting these allegations while maintaining amicable relations with the West. India’s delicate balancing act illustrates its ambition to benefit from relationships with both Western and non-Western blocs while simultaneously pursuing regional dominance.
—Author: Syeda Tahreem Bukhari is a Research Officer at the Centre for International Strategic Studies-AJK. Co-author: Abdul Basit is an Associate Research Officer at Strategic Stability Desk, Centre for International Strategic Studies, AJK.
