Zaheer Bhatti
FOR nearly half a century since independence (two thirds of the whole period) Pakistan has toyed with Parliamentary form of Democracy, and i include in it the shaded Musharraf period which held General Elections to the Federal and Provincial Assemblies, conducted his own form of Local Government election to show that people were being empowered at the grass roots, but actually concentrated power in his own hands as a legacy from Gen Ziaul Haq who had managed to incorporate an [in-]famous Article 58(2) b in the Constitution. With an imported Technocrat figurehead Prime Minister, he ruled the roost for nearly a decade in what was at best only a semblance of a quasi-Parliamentary form of Govt., which tended to belittle the role of the provincial legislatures. Devolution of power, which has remained a far cry even during the civilian rule that followed, with Asif Zardari from nowhere, managing succession as President of the country and enjoying absolute power for better part of his tenure; only to take credit at fag end with a hurried removal of notorious clause to empower provincial legislatures, which instead of graduating to maturity have taken up cudgels with Centre to make an ass of the system.
Whereas the practice of decentralization in administration has been a successful tool of governance, it appears to be running into snags when applying it to politics in Pakistan. Passing of the 18th Amendment with a view to empowering the Provinces was a long awaited development aimed at instilling confidence in the federating units and assuring a rejuvenated Centre-Province relationship by re-distribution of resources and subjects among them. But unfortunately, the emerging picture over decentralization of authority in Pakistan is not very reassuring as neither Centre appears to have heart to really delegate power, nor provinces indicate maturity to digest the new role.
There obviously is no Centre-Province problem if political parties are the same at both ends. Issues surface only when different political factions are at the helm of affairs in the Provinces and at the Centre, as the two are inherently suspicious of each other. That is where things go sour; as has been the case currently between the PTI Government at the Centre and PPP in the Sindh Province where there is no love lost between them; trading accusations and the Centre alleging lack of performance and cooperation by the Sindh Government which in turn complains about indifference and blocking of funding by the Centre. There have always been two sides to decentralization of functions and authority; one that in judicious use of delegated authority the Federating units act in complete coordination with the Federal Government which in turn by serving as a bridge with the Federating Units, strengthens the Federal Government itself and thus the Federation; while the other being that if the Federating Units take their autonomy too far and begin to question, doubt and confront the Centre, the central authority in turn runs down that unit in every conceivable manner, which portends doom for the otherwise well-intended system.
Devolution can only be meaningful if it reaches the grass roots and serves the common man which is possible only through genuine Local Bodies; a system so direly essential but kept at bay by Pakistan’s political leadership purely in self-interest. Had that been in place and empowered in earnest, it could have turned the tide on the Corona menace in an even more systematic manner, besides the fact that it would have ensured a tidy and healthy living environment, clean drinking water, basic health facilities in the shape of dispensaries in villages and decent hospital facilities at the district level to prevent undue strain upon urban centres. School buildings would never have been allowed to turn into cattle sheds and existing dilapidated school structures would have been repaired if not added to, besides banishing ghost schools.
For a good period of time Pakistan has been experimenting with a Centralized system of governance vs a decentralized one empowering its administrative units; a doctrine mutated by Administrative Sciences as the most efficient method of deliverance since it enabled the hierarchy down the ladder and gave it confidence in decision-making besides grooming subordinates for higher responsibilities. One is not sure if Pakistan’s political dispensation drew any inspiration from it in either opting for a Parliamentary Democracy described as Government of the people, by the people, for the people, which has only been a mirage so far; much less incorporation of the 18th Amendment in its Constitution to decentralize authority to the provinces, where the intention sounded noble.
Irritants appearing in the process call for a dispassionate revisiting of the Amendment relating to provincial autonomy, which besides removing the snags must reconsider allocation of resources and re-distribution of subjects. The primary subject of education in particular for a developing nation has been so ignored that even the meagre funds allocated to the Sector have been allowed to lapse by the provinces, which speaks volumes about the importance given by successive rulers to the prime sector, paying a lot of lip service but delivering next to nothing. As for official health facilities, the out-patients departments cater to the common man, which ought to have been doubly activated, have instead been closed down with the Corona outbreak; a very sad reflection over the state of affairs in the country. One feels that while allocation of resources may require judicious re-allocation by the Council of Common Interests, the education scene of the country which reflects total disharmony with divergent systems in vogue cannot be allowed further experimentation, requires to be put on a uniform platform. Threats of grave consequences against any tinkering with the 18th Amendment emanating particularly from noted political entities, only indicates that perhaps the political landscape in Pakistan is not quite ready yet for Provincial autonomy and that the increasing talk of a Presidential form of Government is perhaps not out of place in Pakistan.
—The writer is a media professional, member of Pioneering team of PTV and a veteran ex Director Programmes.
