Sultan M Hali
SINCE the independence of India and Pakistan, the US had been more inclined towards Pakistan. With the newly born state of Pakistan opting to join US-led treaties of CENTO and SEATO, the two became even closer. India cultivated strategic and military relations with the [erstwhile] Soviet Union to counter Pak-US relations. In 1961, India became a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) to avoid involvement in the Cold War power-play between the United States and the Soviet Union. The Nixon administration’s tilt towards Pakistan during the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971 affected relations until the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. In the 1990s, Indian foreign policy adapted to the unipolar world and developed closer ties with the US.
In the 21st Century, Indian foreign policy sought to leverage India’s strategic autonomy in order to safeguard sovereign rights and promote national interests within a multi-polar world. Under the administrations of Presidents George W Bush and Barrack Obama, the US has demonstrated accommodation to India’s core national interests and acknowledged outstanding concerns. President Donald Trump too developed a personal camaraderie with the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Increase in bilateral trade and investment, cooperation on global security matters, inclusion of India in decision-making on matters of global governance (United Nations Security Council), upgraded representation in trade and investment forums (World Bank, IMF, APEC), admission into multilateral export control regimes (MTCR, Wassenaar Arrangement, Australia Group) and support for admission in the Nuclear Suppliers Group and joint-manufacturing through technology sharing arrangements have become key milestones and a measure of speed and advancement on the path to closer US–India relations. In 2016, India and the United States signed the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement and India was declared a Major Defence Partner of the United States.
Sino-Indo rivalry and strains in Sino-US ties brought India and the US on a united front to contain China. However, over the past few years, India’s slow economic growth and inability to modernize rapidly, has been to the chagrin of the US. Besides, US President Donald Trump and his transactional outlook towards foreign policy have soured the India-US relationship somewhat. Therefore, disputes related to trade and investment were increasingly contested in public and not resolved at diplomatic levels. India and US governments have differed on a variety of regional issues ranging from India’s cordial relations with Iran and Russia to foreign policy disagreements relating to Sri Lanka, Maldives, Myanmar and Bangladesh. US and India continue to differ on issues ranging from trade to civil liberties. The Indian Home Ministry, through an affidavit submitted to the Delhi High Court on 13 February 2015, claimed that Country Reports on Rights & Practices have become instruments of foreign policy: “The US, UK and EU have clearly mentioned in government documents and pronouncements that these reports are made for the purpose of their being used as instruments of foreign policy.”
The affidavit also claimed that the reports by US, UK and European Parliament were biased since they “do not provide opportunity to the Government of India or the local embassy/high commission to record their opinion and are heavily biased against the targeted country”. The 2014 State Department’s annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) appeared to classify the Khobragade incident as an example of human trafficking, stating: “An Indian Consular Officer at the New York Consulate was indicted in December 2013 for visa fraud related to her alleged exploitation of an Indian domestic worker.”
However, the recent threat Trump threw at India has exposed the dangerous side of friendship with USA. India, the largest producer of Hydroxy Chloroquine, initially banned exports of the drug on 25 March to ensure adequate domestic supplies. Rules were then tightened further with formulations made from Hydroxy Chloroquine also barred. But at a press conference a day later, Trump explicitly threatened retaliation if the ban was not lifted for the US. Within 24 hours the ban was lifted causing a huge embarrassment for Modi, denting the pride of India and deflating much touted Modi-Trump friendship. It may be recalled that in October 2018, India inked the historic agreement worth US$ 5.43 billion with Russia to procure four S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile (SAM) defence system, the most powerful missile defence system in the world ignoring America’s CAATSA Act. The US threatened India with sanctions over India’s decision to buy the S-400 missile defence system from Russia. The United States also threatened India with sanctions over India’s decision to buy oil from Iran. According to the President of the US-India Strategic Partnership Forum (USISPF), Mukesh Aghi: “sanctions would have a disastrous effect on U.S.-India relations for decades to come. In India’s eyes, the United States would once again be regarded as untrustworthy.”
Personal bonhomie between Trump and Modi smoothed wrinkles. In February 2020, US President Donald Trump visited India. He addressed people in an event “Namaste Trump” at Ahmedabad. In his maiden visit to India, both nations significantly ramp up bilateral relations mainly in strategic ties and defence. But while India celebrates her newfound friend in US, it does not realize the embedded threats this equation brings with it. With each passing day and as US ingresses into Indian military with her hardware, more it will start to impact and influence Indian foreign policy. This was first experience of India with US and surely there is more to come. Pakistan meanwhile sits on fence watching development with interest.
—The writer is retired PAF Group Captain and a TV talk show host.
