Since 2014, under a Hindutva-centric government, one of Modi and the BJP’s major beliefs has been to degrade and denigrate Pakistan in the eyes of the Indian public. From public obloquy to explicit war-mongering, stereotyped films to jingoistic television anchors, Modi’s India is rife with anti-Pakistan emotion. For example, during the 2014 elections, BJP leader Giriraj Singh declared that anyone who does not vote for Modi should migrate to Pakistan. Additionally, he said, “our ancestors committed a major lapse…if at that time [1947] the Muslims had been sent there [Pakistan], we would not have had to face this situation.”
In 2017, while campaigning for assembly elections in Gujarat, Modi stunned the subcontinent by claiming (falsely) that a secret meeting between Congress leadership and Pakistani diplomats and elites was evidence of collusion to steal elections.
The connection between Pakistan and Congress is a recurring theme. During the 2019 election campaign, BJP’s then-Chief Minister of Gujarat, Vijay Rupani, stated that if Congress wins, “Diwali will be celebrated in Pakistan.” Things were more tense during the 2019 elections after the Pulwama assault, which killed 40 Indian paramilitary forces. Without completing an inquiry, the BJP and the Indian Armed Forces quickly blamed Pakistan (which it categorically rejected).
The BJP said, “We will enter your homes [Pakistan] and hit you,” and then worsened the situation by carrying out an attack in Pakistan’s Balakot. Pakistan retaliated, shooting down an Indian MiG-21 and Su-30. As tensions escalated, the BJP not only created but also rode the anti-Pakistan tide to a landslide electoral win in 2019.
Regarding all of this, Satya Pal, the former governor of Indian-occupied Kashmir, revealed that just before the 2019 Pulwama attack, the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) requested aircraft since such a large convoy seldom travels by road. He said that the request was made to the Home Ministry rather than him, but that the former rejected Pal claims to have discussed the Pulwama event with Modi and Ajit Doval, the national security advisor, during which he claimed that it was “our fault.” He claims that Modi and Doval urged him to be quiet and not tell anyone about their mistake.
It is vital to note that Pal believes Pulwama could not have occurred without Pakistan’s cooperation (claimed), but claims that the BJP willfully overlooked this. He acknowledges that Pakistan will bear the majority of the responsibility for achieving election success. In another interview, he claims, “They can plot to kill a BJP leader.” “If they can carry out a Pulwama attack, they can do anything.”
In the 2024 elections, Modi portrayed a picture of a dominant India against the backdrop of Pakistan’s inconsequentiality as a result of its failing economy and political instability. Furthermore, the two-for-one tactic of connecting Congress and Pakistan was repeated in the most recent election. During a campaign for the 2024 elections in Gujarat, Modi stated, “Pakistan is impatient to make Shehzada [Rahul Gandhi] the prime minister…” And we know Congress is a Pakistani disciple.
As should be obvious, the BJP’s bread and butter is anti-Pakistan propaganda, and their diehard following loves it up. In one of India’s now-common anti-Muslim protests, young ladies dressed in saffron were “holding placards asking Muslims to choose between “Pakistan or Qabristan” (Pakistan or the graveyard)”. Modi and his supporters also used Kashmir to incite nationalism during the elections. “We will take it [Kashmir] back,” declared Amit Shah, Modi’s right-hand man and BJP minister, during a 2024 election rally.
Pakistan’s hate extends beyond mere affectation. According to a recent revelation in The Guardian, India’s RAW has carried out 20 assassinations in Pakistan since 2020. Indian and Pakistani intelligence officers confirmed this for publishing. This also lends validity to Canada’s claims that India was behind the murder of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Khalistan movement leader. According to commentators, this may appeal to the BJP’s diehard base because it validates the party’s tough attitude toward Pakistan.
Indian critics refer to today’s media as “Godi media.” I argued that the BJP’s “coercion and enticement” was responsible for the media’s inequity. According to Reporters Without Borders’ 2024 ranking, India’s media ranks 159th. It goes on to say that violence against journalists, monopolized media, and political allegiance imply that “press freedom is in crisis in ‘the world’s largest democracy”.
One reason why the Indian media is a puppet for the BJP’s desires is that many of the major media outlets are owned by a small group of prominent people. Mukesh Ambani, Modi’s billionaire supporter, “owns more than 70 media outlets that are followed by at least 800 million Indians.” Furthermore, in 2022, Gautam Adani, Asia’s richest person and another Modi confidante, purchased NDTV, one of India’s top media businesses, dealing a significant blow to independent journalism.
The Pulwama-Balakot incident perfectly exemplifies the appalling standards of today’s Indian media. Not only did the media declare that India should punish Pakistan (before any probe), but it also promoted misinformation (as evidenced by international media). Perhaps more embarrassing for the BJP-media nexus was the EU DisinfoLab investigation in 2019, which revealed how India was resurrecting dead NGOs, think institutions, and even persons to circulate content that largely undermined Pakistan. This network is run by the Srivastava Group and supplemented by ANI, one of India’s main news organizations. ANI distributes op-eds from bogus websites that it “quotes as credible reports from the European media”.
Although both countries have historically meddled in each other’s affairs, supported insurgencies on the other’s turf (from Kashmir to Khalistan), and fought numerous wars, India’s governmental and social hatred for Pakistan considerably outweighs the reverse. Modi’s India and its fixation with Pakistan are unlikely to fade even if the BJP loses power. Millions of Hindutva supporters have been radicalized to hate Pakistan as an ideological prerequisite. To cater to this constituency in India, the BJP war mongers seize any opportunity they can, since Modi understands that Pakistan hatred sells.
Ahmad Ali is a research fellow at Epis Think-tank Germany and an intern at Kashmir institute of International relations. His fields of studies include Foreign Policy and Conflict Resolution. He can be reached at [email protected]
