AT a time while the whole Pakistani nation is profoundly aggrieved and concerned about Israel’s ongoing atrocities in Gaza, the outgoing Biden administration’s move to impose sanctions on Pakistan’s long range ballistic missile programme by pointing finger on the role of four Pakistani entities is seen by many in Islamabad policy and strategic circles as Washington’s unfair display to achieve its geopolitical objectives. Since 2008, both New Delhi and Washington have been cultivating the benefits of strategic cooperation with the signing of 123 Agreement. In the pretext of maintaining a non-proliferation nuclear regime, the US sanctions move undermines South Asian strategic stability. This is an unjust and biased US move carrying serious implications for the South Asian strategic landscape.
Arguably, by no means Pakistan’s long range Ballistic Missile Program has had any threat to the US security as trumpeted by the Biden administration’s officials. While speaking at Carnegie Endowment, the US Deputy National Security Advisor (DNSA) Jonathan Finer described Pakistan advance Missile Program, long range ballistic missile, as an emerging threat to US security as it is capable of striking beyond South Asia, including the US. The US expert on South Asia, Michael Kugelman, took this remark seriously as it shows trust-deficit in Pak-US relations. Clearly, it is the US’ strategic and geopolitical tactic to pressurize Pakistan. This development needs to be fairly examined.
Since 2008 India has largely expanded its nuclear weapons programme by mounting threats to Pakistan’s national security and sovereignty. The US demonstrated nuclear role in South Asia is a clear manifestation of its strategic manipulation of nuclear relationship to achieve geopolitical objectives. The US Administions, both Democratic and Republican, have extended their nuclear polarization towards Pakistan’s nuclear weapons program thereby limiting Washington’s nuclear engagement with Pakistan while broadening nuclear cooperation with India.
Nevertheless, it is an undeniable fact since 2006 with the passing of the Hyde Act by the US Congress modifying the US domestic law, to allow nuclear cooperation with India, thereby further growing their nuclear cooperation via US-India nuclear energy cooperation largely manifested in the 2008 123 agreement, which further enhanced the scope of their cooperation in Obama- Modi meeting in 2016 when both the US and India agreed to build six-US designed reactors in India. The US-India nuclear cooperation reached to the extent that the US has been favouring India’s NSG bid.
The truth is that the US-India nuclear cooperation has resulted in creating a perceived strategic imbalance in the South Asian region where Pakistan is compelled to maintain its nuclear deterrent capabilities in juxtaposition of the emerging strategic threats from India. In this regard, the US current sanctions on the Pakistani entities has raised concerns in Pakistan simply because it undermines strategic stability in the region.
Since 1990, with the Pressler Amendment, Pakistan, time and again, has remained a victim of US toxic legacy of sanctions. Notably, since 2014, Washington has been imposing sanctions on Pak BMD Program.In October, 2014 the US imposed sanctions on three Pakistani entities, including the National Development Complex (NDC). In June, 2015 the US imposed sanctions on two Pakistani individuals and two entities on the charges of their involvement in Pak BMD programme.
Moreover, in March 2016, the US imposed sanctions on two Pakistani entities, including the NDC. And yet subsequently, in March, 2017, the US administration imposed sanctions on two Pakistani individuals and one entity, thereby accusing their role in the BMD. Likewise, in January 2018, US suspended security assistance to Pakistan, blaming its involvement in the said nuclear advancement. And in November 2020, the then Biden administration imposed sanctions on four Pakistani entities, including the NDC. Still, in January 2022, the US administration imposed sanctions on two Pakistani entities and one individual.
And again in September 2024, the US imposed sanctions on four Pakistan entities, including three Chinese and one Belarus companies, and now, in December2024, the Biden Administration for the fourth time, imposed sanctions on the Pakistani entities: the National Development Complex (NDC), Akhtar and Sons Private Limited, Affiliates International, and Rockside Enterprise, accusing their role in the BMD programme.
Controversially, the newly imposed sanctions are aimed to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons and their means of delivery, the US true leitmotif motive is to tactically establish India’s nuclear profile in the region. On 11 March, 2024, in violation of its agreement with Pakistan, India tested an ICBM Agni-v (MRIV) missile ranging 7000 km. But Washington took no notice of this development (undermining strategic stability in South Asia)) despite the fact that Islamabad chartered its strong reservations on this Indian initiative.Today, India‘s BMD delivery system unlimitedly consists of land-based, submarine-launched and strategic bombers.
Regrettably, the two South Asian nuclear powers-India and Pakistan are entertained differently by the US domestic law, which is a hawkish demonstration of US policy of double standard and nuclear apartheid in the South Asian region. Pakistan Foreign Office expressed its deep and profound regret over the Biden administration’s move of sanctioning four Pakistani entities. “The latest installment of sanctions defies the objective of peace and security by aiming to accentuate military asymmetries,” the MOFA said. The Pak Foreign Ministry also emphasized that this highly discriminatory sanctions move is undermining strategic stability in the region.
For years, Pakistan’s stance has been loud and clear that ‘’our strategic program and allied capabilities are solely meant to deter and thwart a clear and visible existential threat from our neighbourhood and should not be perceived as a threat to any other country’’. Needless to say,given the imperatives of our national security-cum-sovereignty—strongly affiliated with South Asian strategic stability—Islamabad will remain profoundly determined to safeguard its strategic interests.
—The writer is a former Press Secretary to the President of Pakistan.
