Sudais Ahmad Niazi
THROUGHOUT human history, kingdoms, empires and nations have sought power and dominance. Power has never been limited to military might alone; it has also depended on access to resources. In the ancient era, societies focused primarily on precious metals and agricultural resources. From the medieval period to the Industrial Revolution and the 21st century, global powers’ attention has shifted from industrial resources and fossil fuels to data that has become central to global power and economic stability.
As technological revolutions transformed human needs, the late 1990s and early 2000s introduced a new resource: digital data. In this new form of colonialism, powerful actors no longer relied solely on territorial occupation or physical extraction. Instead, they began extracting human experiences and transforming them into data through everyday digital interactions. Scholars Nick Couldry and Ulises Ali Mejias describe this phenomenon as “data colonialism.”
The rise of the internet transformed the world into what is often described as a “global village,” where billions of people interact daily through social media platforms, smartphones, applications and biometric systems. While these interactions appear intimate and routine, they also generate vast amounts of valuable data. This data has become a major resource for technology corporations based largely in the Global North. Large technology companies such as Google, Meta, Amazon and OpenAI use this information to fuel artificial intelligence systems and the broader system of surveillance capitalism.
Much like colonial powers once extracted raw materials from colonies to strengthen their economies, modern technology corporations extract and process data to expand digital and economic influence. After the stages of extraction and control, the third phase of data colonialism emerges: monetization. This phase represents the core economic motive behind large-scale data collection. Technology companies do not simply gather information for storage; they transform human behaviour into a profitable commodity.
The data collected from users is processed through advanced technologies such as artificial intelligence, natural language processing (NLP), robotic process automation and optical character recognition systems. Advertisers use them for targeted marketing, political organizations employ them to influence public opinion and financial institutions analyze them to anticipate consumer behaviour.
Globally, the artificial intelligence industry has expanded at an extraordinary pace. Currently, more than 212,000 AI-related companies are operating worldwide, including approximately 62,000 specialized AI startups and nearly 400 AI unicorns valued at over one billion dollars. Despite this rapid growth of the AI economy, the foundational AI infrastructure and advanced computational models remain concentrated in a few dominant technology corporations, including OpenAI, Google, Meta, Amazon and Apple.
Despite the growing influence of AI technologies across economies and societies, there is still no unified global framework for regulating artificial intelligence or protecting digital rights. The European Union introduced the AI Act to establish legal standards for the development and use of artificial intelligence, while the United States has advanced policy initiatives through its AI Action Plan. Similarly, China has implemented regulations concerning generative artificial intelligence and algorithmic systems.
However, regulation alone cannot fully address the broader problem of data colonialism. Preventing digital exploitation requires meaningful international cooperation that includes the voices and interests of the Global South. The challenge, therefore, is not to resist technological advancement, but to ensure that technological progress remains ethical, accountable and inclusive. As artificial intelligence continues to shape economies, societies and political systems, protecting privacy, digital sovereignty and human rights will become increasingly important in determining the future balance of global power.
—The writer occasionally contributes.
