WHENEVER a Muslim candidate wins an election in the United States, Britain, Canada or another non-Muslim-majority country, Muslims worldwide, particularly in Pakistan, celebrate. Headlines applaud the victory, social media fills with congratulations and some describe it as a triumph for Muslims. Such successes deserve recognition because they reflect the trust of voters from many backgrounds. But celebration should also invite reflection rather than remain a matter of religious pride. They raise an uncomfortable question: if Muslim candidates can win majority support in societies where they are minorities, would we similarly elect a Christian, Hindu or Sikh in Muslim-majority Pakistan?
In November 2025, New York elected 34-year-old Zohran Mamdani its first Muslim mayor. He received approximately 1.11 million votes or 50.8 percent. Estimates of the city’s Muslim population vary, with some reaching 12 percent, but Muslims remain a minority. Mamdani could not have won without support across religious and ethnic communities. His campaign addressed everyday concerns, including housing, transport and living costs, demonstrating how shared civic priorities can bring together communities with different beliefs. On 3 November 2026, Democrat Dr. Abdul El-Sayed defeated Republican Mike Rogers in Michigan, becoming the first Muslim elected to the United States Senate. In Britain, Sadiq Khan, of Pakistani heritage, became London’s first Muslim mayor in 2016 and won again in 2021 and 2024. Muslim politicians also serve in Britain’s and Canada’s parliaments through different parties.
Western democracies are hardly free of religious prejudice or racial discrimination. Minority candidates still face hostility. Yet their electoral success illustrates that voters can look beyond faith to consider policies, public concerns and political leadership. This does not mean voters set identity aside, only that religious difference need not be an insurmountable political barrier. How does Pakistan compare? The 2023 census recorded a population that was 96.35 percent Muslim and 3.65 percent non-Muslim. The National Assembly reserves ten seats for non-Muslims, an important constitutional safeguard. But what about general constituencies, where citizens vote directly? How often do major parties nominate non-Muslims and how firmly do they support them?
There are encouraging precedents. Dr. Mahesh Kumar Malani of the Pakistan People’s Party won a general seat in the Sindh Assembly in 2013. In 2018, he became the first non-Muslim to win a National Assembly general seat since the restoration of joint electorates in 2002. He won again from Tharparkar’s NA-215 in 2024. His victories show that Pakistanis can choose representatives across religious lines. Why, then, are such examples uncommon? Would major parties field and support qualified Christian, Hindu or Sikh candidates in Lahore, Karachi, Peshawar or Islamabad? Would voters consider their competence, character and record rather than simply their religion?
Limited minority representation cannot be explained by intolerance alone. Demographics, campaign resources, local conditions and party priorities matter too. Nevertheless, political parties shape voters’ choices. If they seldom nominate non-Muslims for general seats, voters rarely have the opportunity to elect them. Reserved seats are necessary, but cannot substitute entirely for participation in mainstream electoral politics. Political inclusion means not only having a voice in parliament, but also a fair chance to earn the confidence of a constituency.
Pakistan’s early history offers a broader vision. In his August 11, 1947 address to the Constituent Assembly, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah emphasized religious freedom and equal citizenship. Jogendra Nath Mandal, a Hindu leader, served as Minister for Law and Labour in the first federal cabinet. Although he left Pakistan in 1950 amid political and communal tensions, his appointment recalls the part non-Muslims played in the country’s foundations.
Justice, tolerance and respect for others are also central to our religious and moral traditions. Disagreeing with someone’s faith does not require dismissing their integrity or public service. Pakistan’s Constitution permits non-Muslims to contest general seats in national and provincial legislatures, although certain higher offices, including President and Prime Minister, carry religious qualifications. Democracy is more than elections and majority rule; it requires meaningful participation and dignity for every citizen. Voting for a non-Muslim does not endorse their religious beliefs. It expresses trust in their ability and policies. Just as a non-Muslim who votes for a Muslim abroad does not abandon their faith, a Muslim in Pakistan does not compromise theirs by supporting a qualified non-Muslim.
We can celebrate Mamdani, El-Sayed and Khan while learning from the wider political possibilities their victories illustrate. Pakistan’s parties should offer qualified citizens genuine opportunities, regardless of religion. The aim is not to condemn our society, but to build on its inclusive traditions. When a Christian, Hindu or Sikh wins a general seat without the result being treated as extraordinary, it will signal progress in our democratic culture. We hail Muslim victories abroad as triumphs for democracy. Are we prepared to extend the same respect, opportunity and tolerance to every citizen at home?
—The writer is contributing columnist, based in Canada.
