Gilani-Nawaz meeting
Mohammad Jamil
President Asif Ali Zardari and Mian Nawaz Sharif have held about a dozen
meetings in the past and discussed mainly annulment of 17th amendment
and withdrawal of 58-2(b), as the former blocks Mian Nawaz Sharif’s
chance to become third-time prime minister, and withdrawal of the latter
would strip president of unprecedented powers. In other words, they gave
overriding consideration to secure their positions and there was nothing
for the hapless teeming millions who wanted jobs, basic facilities of
education and health and availability of essential items at affordable
prices. Now, Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani and Pakistan Muslim
League (PML-N) Quaid Mian Nawaz Sharif have met in Prime Minister House
and reportedly the focus of discussion was proposed Balochistan Package,
though 17th amendment and 58-2(b) also figured in the talks. After the
meeting Mian Nawaz Sharif said that that he presented his viewpoint on
the governmental package for Balochistan.
Mian Nawaz Sharif has to bear in mind that no government of any hue and
shade in the world allows violence and separatist tendencies. He should
not forget that the US and India have special interest in the province
and are supporting those elements who raise the slogan of independent
Balochistan. And the government claims to have incontrovertible evidence
of funding and arming the insurgents by the Indian RAW in Balochistan.
Addressing a news conference in the Punjab House following his meeting
with the prime minister, PML-N chief said that army operation should
stop; all arrested persons should be released; all missing persons
should be traced and recovered and those involved Bugti’s murder should
be arrested and put on trial. He said: “There were no political problems
in Balochistan during the tenure of democratic governments. There had
not been any loss of lives of Pakistan army troops and police in the
restive tribal areas and Balochistan as well; if there would have not
been dictatorship in the country.” But this is travesty of the truth.
One should remind Mian Sahib that there was not only political problem
but also rebellion and insurgency during the tenure of democratically
elected government of late ZA Bhutto, which was constrained to conduct
army operation. It has to be mentioned that it was a military dictator
General Zia-ul-Haq who withdrew the sedition cases against the Baloch
Sardars and National Awami Party members. It is possible that late
Bhutto had the desire to see the PPP-led governments in all the
provinces but the fact remains that sardars and centrifugal forces had
put up resistance when the PPP government tried to build roads and
schools in the province. There is no denying that during British Raj and
after independence Balochistan and NWFP were neglected so far as
development is concerned. But this is also true that despite being part
of the provincial governments, sardars did nothing to persuade or push
the central government for development of their province. From the
statements and interviews of scions of Bugti, one can understand that
the bone of contention between late Akbar Bugti and the federation
arguably was that he wanted crores instead of millions as gas royalty.
He wanted that gas companies should employ people only on his
recommendations though the skilled personnel were not available in
Balochistan. As regards Mian Sahib’s suggestion of holding talks with
those who are not in Balochistan, he indeed meant negotiations with
Brahamdagh Bugti who is ensconced in Afghanistan and Mir Byar Marri who
is in London. If one believes statements of scions of Baloch sardars,
they will accept nothing short of independence. Alluding centrifugal
forces in Balochistan, Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman is already complaining
that government is turning a blind to those challenging the writ of the
state in one part of Pakistan, whereas in the other province military
action is being taken dubbing them anti-Pakistan and terrorists.. It has
to be understood that Balochistan is a multi-ethnic province where
pushtuns, hazaras and Punjabi settlers live. And they are being targeted
by the centrifugal forces. The PML-N chief has suggested that the
package must be made in such a way that it is acceptable to the people
of the province, and for this purpose the government should hold
dialogue with all elected and unelected leaders of Balochistan, and also
with those who are in self-exile.
There is no denying that during British Raj and after independence
Balochistan and NWFP were neglected so far as development was concerned.
And efforts should be made to develop these provinces by allocating
additional resources to bring the people of Balochistan at par with
developed provinces. Sardars want levies under their control, of course
to be paid by the government, to enhance their power so that they could
keep the weak and smaller tribes under subjugation and pressure. They do
not want any cantonments as if Balochistan is not part of Pakistan. It
has to be understood that it is the responsibility of the state to
ensure that frontiers are safe, and the enemy is indeed deterred by the
presence of the armed forces. How Mian Sahib could reconcile with
sardars who arrogate to themselves the right to take the decisions as to
the quantum of the army to be deployed in Balochistan? And it is too
well known that they do not want cantonments in Balochistan.The citizens
have started realizing that their leaderships are preoccupied with their
own agendas and have their own priorities. And they are totally
indifferent to their problems. Even in the recent meeting with Mian
Nawaz Sharif, Asif Ali Zardari agreed to expedite the annulment of 17th
amendment thus paving the way for Mian Sahib to become third-time prime
minister. In return Mian Nawaz Sharif promised not to destabilize the
government. Both parties would do well to give priority to solving the
problems people are facing otherwise they would lose faith in the
democratic process. In the CoD, the PML-N and the PPP had, among other
things, stood for supremacy of the constitution, non-intervention of
military in politics and independence of judiciary, which are, indeed,
important issues. But of no lesser importance are the miseries
afflicting the masses in their daily lives, and by articulating their
hardships and problems and commitment to redress them could earn the
people’s goodwill.
Having said all, the government should ensure that provincial autonomy
is given to all the provinces. According to 1973 Constitution, the
matter of provincial autonomy was resolved, and in view of the crisis a
compromise formula was evolved whereby ‘concurrent list’ was to be
reverted to the provinces after 10 years i.e. 1983 but nothing has been
done in this respect so far. Distribution of federal divisible pool has
been another bone of contention between federation and the federating
units. The fact is that the provinces require financial resources to be
able to maintain the social and physical infrastructure needed to
provide basic services to their people. And since the bulk of the
provincial resources come from the taxes of the federal government, they
are dependent on the latter. It is, therefore, imperative to ensure an
equitable distribution of financial resources between the federation and
federating units, otherwise social and economic disparity between the
provinces could only grow, strengthening the centrifugal forces fanning
greater provincial disharmony.
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