Enigma of Balach Marri’s murder
Mohammad Jamil
Even after about 22 months it has not been possible to establish as to
who killed Balach Marri, and it remains a mystery because one does not
know about his foes across the border and what activities he was
involved in Afghanistan. Anyhow, Baloch nationalists accuse Pakistan
government and agencies; some in Afghanistan are of the opinion that
NATO troops considered him and his colleagues as Taliban and hit them.
Many members of Marri tribe still insist that Brahamdagh Bugti was
involved who according to them had taken the revenge of Akbar Bugti’s
killing because Marris had taken the responsibility of Akbar Bugti’s
security and it was on their suggestion Akbar Bugti had left the Dera.
However, immediately, after former member of national assembly Balach
Marri was killed in November 2007, Baloch Liberation Army (BLA)
spokesman had said that he was killed in an operation by the
authorities, whereas he did not substantiate as to how it happened and
where it happened. Nawabzada Gazeen Marri the elder brother of Balach
Marri had said that he was killed in a clash with security forces, thus
ruling out the possibility of his brother’s killing by NATO forces or
Bugti’s men.
But initially Gazen Marri had refused to name the place where he was
killed stating: “I cannot disclose the place where the incident took
place in view of the safety of other colleagues”. However, some other
reports suggested that besides Balach Marri, seven of his security
guards and six other people were killed in the incident. Other sources
said that Balach Marri was killed in an air strike by NATO forces in
Gramshar area of Afghanistan’s Helmand province. They believed the
Western forces had mistaken Mr Marri and his entourage for Taliban
fighters. Later, a spokesman of Balochistan government had, however,
stated that any such incident did not take place in Pakistan. Even Khair
Buksh Marri father of Balach Marri had earlier refused to accept
condolences from Benazir Bhutto and others because he was not sure if he
was dead. If they had any idea of any clash between him and the security
forces, Khair Bukhsh Marri would have openly blamed the government.
According to the then police chief in Balochistan, the BLA had accepted
the responsibility for landmine blasts, killing of the Chinese engineers
and bomb explosions at various places in Balochistan. Balach Marri,
former member of the national assembly, was stated to be heading the
organization. But since he was killed in Afghanistan, either RAW or
Bugti’s men could be involved because Pakistan does not have a set up to
conduct such operations. Gazeen Marri former home minister in the
province during 1990s for three years was arrested in Dubai in 2006.
Later, provincial police chief had confirmed having arrested an
unspecified number of militants who confessed they have been receiving
money and weapons from the group for attacks on government
installations. It was unfortunate that the central government and Baloch
Sardars were on a collision course; they were at war. And the logical
conclusion of course was death and destruction on both sides.
When Sardar Akbar Bugti was killed along with his men, Baloch leader
Sardar Khair Buksh Marri in an interview had described the killing of
Nawab Akbar Bugti as a target killing, adding that he feared for the
life of his own son Balach Marri, because the government had the
‘mistaken notion’ that Marri was the epicentre of all anti-state and
terrorist activities. And Balach Marri was ‘icon of resistance’. He had
called an untimely ‘mode of resistance’ implying that Akbar Bugti should
have adopted it much earlier. There was a perception that Marris had
taken their revenge, because when Bhutto launched anti-insurgency
operations in the 1970’s Akbar Bugti was the Chief Minister of
Baluchistan. He had waged a bloody war against Marris and Mengals, who
had declared Bugti as a traitor to the cause of Baloch independence.
Marris had then vowed revenge on Bugtis and waited for the right time.
When Khair Buksh Marri said that the government had ‘mistaken notion’
about Marri Area, it was an effort on his part to move the focus of the
army away from Marri area and convey an impression that Balach Marri was
not involved in persuading Akbar Bugti to stop negotiations with the
government and start insurgency. And when negotiations had failed, he
was driven away from Dera Bugti, and Massoris and Kalpars were brought
from exile in his place and relocated in their ancestral homes. What
Bugti had done to Massoris and Kalpars is well-recorded. In fact, tribal
feuds continue for decades rather through generations.
The people of Balochistan waged struggle ever since the British left in
1947; and there could have been justification also when they were under
strong centre and unitary form of government. But when the One-Unit was
done away with and complete provincial status was restored in 1969, the
struggle should have ended. However, the long dormant crisis of
Balochistan erupted into a brutal confrontation with the centre in 1973,
when late Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had tried to establish educational
institutions and construction of roads in Baluchistan. Late Bhutto was
of the view that Baloch Sardars were the main obstacle to the progress
of the province because on one hand they are at daggers drawn with each
other and secondly they are not willing to accept any government in the
province. In such circumstances there could be chaos, confusion or
anarchy.
The insurgency, however, lasted for four years from 1973 to 1977. Some
Sardars had thought that after Bengali secession, they could pressurize
the government into accepting their demands through armed struggle but
Bhutto government was determined to curb the insurgency with the help of
the Pakistan army. It is also true that various governments in the past
had balked at implementation of provisions of provincial autonomy, thus
strengthening the centrifugal forces and providing them opportunity for
fanning provincial disharmony. Similarly, matters of NFC Award and
Council of Common Interests were not addressed for years. Whereas
strong-centre syndrome was the basic reason for disaffection in smaller
provinces especially Balochistan, province’s ruling elite – sardars,
whether in government or opposition, were responsible in equal measure
for the sad plight of the common people of Balochistan.
Baloch leaders and nationalists in their television interviews do not
mince the words and categorically say that they would welcome help from
any quarter to get independence. It is the result of such irresponsible
statements that enemies of Pakistan feel encouraged to complete the
mission of destabilizing Pakistan. They should understand that creation
of climate conducive to investment is imperative to create employment
opportunities to enable the unemployed youth of Balochistan to avail
those opportunities. The government has taken steps for the development
of Balochistan, and a number of small to mega projects have been
started. But it would take some time to see the results of the
development.
Of course, when the people would benefit from the economic development
and growth, they would not listen to centrifugal forces that are bent
upon fanning provincial disharmony, or those resorting to terrorist
activities. It is true that sustained economic growth is linked to the
improved law and order, which is an indispensable condition to
investment, economic growth and welfare of the people.
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