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Voice of People
Inconsistent policies
Shafqat Sultan
A policy was made for the betterment of country by imposing
graduation qualification for nation/provisional assembly election.
It was abolished in order to favour few individuals which is not
fair to country. I just wanted to ask a question? When we shall show
loyalty to our country? Is power and status every thing, certainly
self respect comes first.
Every one has dream to make his house most beautiful and attractive.
Cannot we have same feeling for our motherland?
—Rawalpindi
Shrouded in mystery
Anwar Mukhtar
It is very surprising to read about the discipline and communication
gap problems at the high echelons of Indian military hierarchy.
Recently, a controversy between the top brass was reported by print
and electronic media. The story as narrated highlights that a senior
Lt General P.C Katoch has gone on long leave of sixty days as he is
averse to serve under his one year junior Lt General P.C Bharadway
who has been posted as incharge of Northern Command that guards
Indian held Kashmir. The story does not end at this one incident.
When the previous events are carefully observed the link is
established with other higher command.
The story reveals that when General Deepak Kapoor was incharge of
Northern Command and who is presently the Indian Army Chief was
promoted, Lt Gen H.S Panag assumed the charge. No one knows what
happened behind the curtains but Lt General Panag initiated
enquiries into purchase made under emergency powers by General
Kapoor. This obviously created ripples and Lt General Panag was
transfered. Lt Gen P.C Bharadway was elevated and posted at Northern
Command. Now, here came a twist in the story when Lt General Katoch
who was already number two went on leave as a protest. The Indian
authorities might find a honourable and face keeping solution for
the General but the events reveal that all is not well at the top
brass of the Indian army. It is an eye opener that if they have
discontentment and communication gaps what is going to be the morale
and state of mind of Indian army officers and men.
—Rawalpindi
Sovereign Parliament
Syed A Mateen
In our democratic system we call parliament sovereign, but there are
a number of decisions that have been taken unilaterally by the
federal or provincial government departments, corporations,
autonomous and local government departments without referring the
matter to parliament or the respective provincial assemblies. For
example, the PTCL, which works under the federal government, revised
its tariff from time to time without referring the matter to
parliament. Similarly, prices of oil and CNG have been revised by
the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority from time to time without
referring the matter to parliament.
Prices of wheat, rice, milk, vegetables and other commodities of
daily use are also increased from time to time without any reference
to the National Assembly or the respective provincial assemblies. If
the federal or provincial government departments can take unilateral
decisions and raise the prices of various consumer products or
services, then is there any need for federal government or
provincial governments to give subsidy to these federal or
provincial government departments which are responsible for the
price hike in the country? People elect assemblies so that their
elected representatives should be able to legislate laws for the
benefit of the common man. But in the light of unilateral decisions
taken by federal government and provincial government departments
and various trade associations, which work under the umbrella of
federal or provincial governments, it seems that these government
departments and trade associations are more authoritative and
sovereign than the national and provincial assemblies. If
commodities and services go on costing more and more while people’s
income/salaries do not increase in proportion to the inflation, then
there is no other alternative left for the common man but to earn
money through illegal means or commit suicide. So, what is the role
left for the National Assembly or provincial assemblies if they
cannot legislate laws to control the price hike? People want that
the price hike issue should invariably be referred to the assemblies
before any government department or trade association decides to
increase the price of a commodity or the cost of a service. All this
to uphold the welfare of the common man.
—Karachi
Now or never
M Irshad Jan
Almost many days have passed since the PPP and allies took charge of
the throne in Islamabad. Needless to say that the early days of any
government are the true indicators of its future. So far it is
really depressing. It appears we have not learnt anything from
history. Has Rehman Malik forgotten the fate of Saifur Rehman? The
rulers must understand that the media has sharpened and created a
better political understanding of public at large. It’s no more a
small news item which appeared in the press the following day of an
event, whether read by some or all. News is flashed on screen the
moment it is found and reaches all corners of the country.
The PPP must understand that it is the last time they have
capitalised on the Bhutto factor. People want their problems to be
resolved and not empty slogans. It is becoming increasingly evident
that these objectives cannot be achieved with people like RM at the
helm of affairs. The co-chairman of the PPP must act now because it
is now or never. You have aptly said: “The people deserve better,
much better.”
—Karachi
Political scenario
Haroon Paracha
As of today the following scenario best fits our political future:
Pervez Musharraf and Asif Ali Zardari cannot afford to reinstate
Iftikhar Chaudhary. The May 12 deadline passes without event. The
Pakistan Muslim League (N) is forced to quit the coalition. The
lawyers, the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (Qazi group), the PML(N), the
TI, society as a whole take to the streets. Everything comes to a
standstill and there is chaos. Mr Musharraf is happy, the Americans
are delighted, Mr Zardari goes away to enjoy his billions and Mr
Kayani takes over to bring peace and prosperity to the nation and
promises elections in 60 days.
—Karachi
Indigenous movement
Muhammad Waqar Aslam
What began with ‘minus-one formula’ and then came to be known as
‘fixation of CJ’s term for three years’ has finally assumed the
shape of ‘retention of PCO judges’. Fallacy is the visible thread of
continuity within these three manifestations. That is why each one
has backfired. The ‘minus-one’ idea was brought out on the premise
that the noble cause of strengthening the independence of the
judiciary should not be linked to (chief) justice Iftikhar. However,
the wizards coming out with this idea were not aware of the
historically proven fact that certain human beings and the movements
they create eventually become inseparable. Can we de-link Che
Guevara from Bolivian identity or Nelson Mandela from South African
history?
There can be many examples of this phenomenon. Likewise, it is
(chief) justice Iftikhar who symbolises rather personifies the
independence of the judiciary in this country. The second idea of
fixation of the CJ’s term for three years is even more fallacious.
Nowhere in the world, the term of the CJ is fixed for any duration.
It is so because the CJ is not an elected office. It is true that
non-elected chief election commissioner got a fixed term of three
years as per Article 215 of the Constitution but that is only
because of the specific nature of his job, which is all about
elections. A permanent chief election commissioner might be frowned
upon by other parties whenever the term of an in-power party is
over. Nevertheless, Article 168 about the auditor-general of
Pakistan is silent with regard to his term because term fixation is
done for the elected office only. The third idea about retention of
the PCO judges even borders on absurdity. Why did lawyers and civil
society take to the streets everywhere on March 9 2007, and continue
to do so by now, if the PCO judges were to be retained ultimately?
Lawyers see raising of the number of judges from 17 to 27 as an
attempt to usurp the apex court. They believe that PCO judges are
renegades and their retention would be identical to our acceptance
of ‘atoot-ang’ stance of India on Kashmir. That is how none of the
above ideas have worked. Indeed, every snare has happened to be too
short to entangle the lawyers’ movement. In our history, this
singles out to be the first-ever indigenous, spontaneous, middle
class-driven, intellectually-equipped and emotionally-charged
movement. Unlike other movements, the leaders and the led ones in it
ply on one and the same intellectual plane. Hence, hoodwinking of
the led by the leaders is simply unthinkable here. That is why all
Iftikharophobic moves are found not wetting but whetting the heat of
this movement.
—Quetta
